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DOCUMENT No.33
UN Secretary-General's Address to the Council on
Foreign Relations
Thank you, Richard, for those very warm words.
And thank you, Ladies and Gentlemen, for turning out in such
large numbers.
I must have been in the news lately.
At the outset, let me deal with something I am sure is on your
minds: the disturbing allegations over the Oil-for-Food Programme. We must get
to the bottom of these allegations.
Paul Volcker is heading an independent inquiry – the most far
reaching in the history of the United Nations.
All UN staff have been instructed to cooperate fully with the
inquiry, or face disciplinary measures, including dismissal. The Volcker
report will be made public once I receive it. And I will act on its findings.
The Volcker inquiry, and those being conducted here in
Washington, should not be seen as competitors. Let's all work constructively
to bring out the truth.
But let us also agree that the debate over the United Nations
goes far beyond these matters. It goes to the very purpose of the Organization
in the 21st century.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Today, I want to speak about my vision of a safer world and a
better United Nations.
The attacks of September 11 were a wake up call. We are living
in a dangerous world.
We face multiple threats that did not exist when the United
Nations was founded. Threats at the hands of non-state actors. Threats that
cross borders in an instant.
These threats affect us all, and no State acting alone can
fully meet them.
Yet in responding to these threats, we are deeply divided. On
what approach is best to take. And on what our most urgent priorities should
be.
That is why I have said that the international community stands
at a fork in the road.
If States fight among themselves, and do not unite to fight the
common enemies of humanity, they will be doing a great disservice to the
peoples of the world.
The global threats of our age include terror, deadly weapons,
genocide, infectious disease, poverty, environmental degradation and organized
crime. They will not wait for States to sort out their differences.
That is why I say to you today: we must act now to strengthen
our collective defences. We must unite to master today's threats, and not
allow them to divide and master us.
And I submit to you, Ladies and Gentlemen, that the only
universal instrument that can bring States together in such a global effort is
the United Nations.
I am the first to acknowledge that the United Nations is not
perfect. At times, it shows its age.
But our world will not easily find a better instrument for
forging a sustained, global response to today's threats.
We must use it to unite around common priorities -- and act on
them.
And we must agree on a plan to reform the United Nations -- and
get on with the job of implementing it.
This message lies at the heart of the recent report: “A more
secure world: our shared responsibility”. It is the work of the Panel of 16
men and women from around the world I appointed last year.
I am delighted that Brent Scowcroft, one of America's
outstanding public servants, was one of the panelists. Thank you, General
Scowcroft, for your service.
The report contains a powerful vision of collective security.
Whether the threat is terrorism or AIDS, a threat to one is a threat to all.
Our defences are only as strong as their weakest link. We will be safest if we
work together.
And the report puts forward a vision of a radically reformed
United Nations. I share that vision. But what, exactly, would the United
Nations of tomorrow look like?
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Tomorrow's United Nations would unite States in preventing
terrorism.
The Security Council has already done a lot to curb the flow of
arms, funds, and technology to terrorist cells. But we must go further.
The Panel has proposed a definition of terrorism. It makes
clear that no cause whatsoever justifies the targeting of civilians and
non-combatants.
Member States should use it to enact a full anti-terrorism
convention. The United Nations must make clear that it has zero tolerance of
terrorism -- of any kind, for any reason.
We must also take strong multilateral action to keep deadly
weapons out of dangerous hands.
Tomorrow's United Nations would provide a more muscular
framework to prevent a cascade of nuclear proliferation.
We need tighter rules for inspections by the International
Atomic Energy Agency.
We need incentives for States to forego domestic uranium
enrichment and reprocessing facilities.
And we need a verifiable fissile material cut-off treaty.
Tomorrow's United Nations would be an Organisation through
which all States get much more serious about promoting development.
All States must boost their support for achieving the UN
Millennium Development Goals.
This will save lives in poor countries.
It will reduce violent conflict and the appeal of radicalism.
It will help secure good governance and democracy.
And it will help build capable States that can deal with
threats in their own borders before they harm their own citizens and others.
Biological security also needs more attention.
We must fight AIDS with far greater determination – and I thank
President Bush for his leadership on AIDS.
We need a major initiative to build public health capacities in
poor nations.
And the Security Council and the World Health Organization
should work more closely to prepare for any disease outbreaks, and improve our
defences against bio-terrorism.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Tomorrow's United Nations would also provide a framework for
the use of force in which all States should have confidence.
Under Article 51 of the UN Charter, every State has the
inherent right of self-defence. This includes the right to take pre-emptive
action, if it faces an imminent threat.
Beyond that, the report suggests a number of guidelines to make
Security Council decisions on the use of force more consistent and more
effective.
The Security Council must be proactive to prevent nightmare
scenarios, such as a nuclear terrorist attack, from unfolding. The Council
must stand ready to authorize the preventive use of force in appropriate
circumstances.
The report also recognizes something I have long advocated:
State sovereignty is not a license for mass murder. Governments must assume
their responsibility to protect their citizens.
Where they do not, the Security Council must assume its
responsibility to protect. The Council may sometimes have to authorize the use
of force to stop mass atrocities inside sovereign States. States must be
prepared to back up the Council's decisions -- not just with talk, but with
troops.
Force should never be used lightly. It should always be a last
resort. And if we act early, we are less likely to need it. Otherwise, we can
find ourselves facing appalling situations.
We face such a situation today in Darfur. The international
community must support the African Union's efforts to deploy troops and
achieve a political solution. We must work to finalize the North-South
negotiations – on which Ambassador Danforth has worked so hard. And we must
build on that momentum, to secure peace throughout Sudan.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
One of the most important contributions the United Nations
makes to global security is its work in re-building war-torn countries.
Our record in Namibia, Mozambique, Tajikistan, Cambodia, El
Salvador, Guatemala, and East Timor speaks for itself.
And our work continues today in Haiti, Kosovo, Liberia, Sierra
Leone, and elsewhere -- including Afghanistan and Iraq.
In Afghanistan, we have worked very closely with the United
States. And the entire transition has taken place within a UN framework.
The UN-mediated Bonn Process put together the interim
government.
The UN-convened Loya Jirga set the basis for an Afghan
constitution.
In the recent UN-run elections, Afghans freely elected their
President for the very first time.
The job is not over. But the United Nations is proud to have
been the midwife at the birth of a new nation.
The United Nations is equally committed to the birth of a new
Iraq.
I have long made clear that the international community must
put the deep divisions over the war behind us. We must unite to build a new,
free, democratic Iraq.
After the war, I sent a handpicked team to Iraq. They were led
by our best peace builder, Sergio Vieira de Mello.
He was brutally murdered by terrorists as he carried out his
mission under the blue flag of the United Nations. So were 21 other people
whose names should be better known -- Nadia Younes, Rick Hooper, and other
brave servants of peace.
Later, the United Nations was asked by the Iraqis and the
Coalition Provisional Authority to help end the occupation / and secure the
transfer of sovereignty.
In response, I sent to Iraq one of our most seasoned diplomats,
Lakhdar Brahimi. He oversaw the selection of the Interim Iraqi Government this
year. He helped forge an Iraqi consensus on the timing and framework for
elections.
Since then, my Special Representative, Ashraf Qazi, and his
team, have been in Baghdad. They are working to ensure that the political
process is as inclusive, participatory and transparent as possible.
Often for security reasons, our role in Iraq receives little
publicity. We operate without fanfare, based on the mandate given to us by the
Security Council.
The UN's election experts have been at work – both in Iraq and
outside – to help establish the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq.
The Commission has the responsibility to organise the
forthcoming election. The United Nations is advising and assisting the
Commission.
The UN has helped to train 6,000 election workers and open 450
registration centres. We are helping to recruit and train up to 130,000 poll
workers.
The technical preparations for the election on 30 January are
on track.
And we stand ready, if asked, to support Iraqi efforts to draw
up a constitution.
The United Nations achieves important results in peacebuilding
around the world. But our efforts must be more strategic and better resourced.
Tomorrow's United Nations must have the capacity to move fast, and see every
job through.
I warmly welcome the Panel's call for a Peacebuilding
Commission, / supported by greater Secretariat capacity.
And I also firmly believe that tomorrow's United Nations must
have reformed and revitalized institutions:
- A Security Council that reflects the 21st century
world, not that of 1945.
- An overhauled Human Rights Commission and a
strengthened High Commissioner for Human Rights.
- And a Secretariat that is more open, more accountable,
and better able to recruit and promote the best people.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
That is the vision of the United Nations that I believe in.
That is the vision I am working to achieve.
Next September, world leaders come together in New York to
review progress since the Millennium Declaration.
When they do, they must reach consensus on basic principles and
clear priorities.
And they must take decisions to build tomorrow's United
Nations.
I established the Panel to open some windows and let in fresh
air and new ideas. The period ahead will determine whether the winds of change
will blow through the corridors of the United Nations.
Many of the important recommendations are directed at Member
States. They will have to decide.
But I have no doubt that the United Nations must change.
I will move quickly to implement recommendations that fall
within my purview. I will work with Member States to help them to decide and
to act.
And I hope the United States will play a vigorous role in the
process of renewal and change.
After all, American vision and values helped give birth to the
United Nations.
America's support and leadership has always been crucial to a
strong and successful United Nations.
America and the United Nations are working hand in hand today
around the world -- on peacekeeping, conflict resolution, humanitarian
assistance, human rights, good governance and development.
And today, America, no less than any other State, needs global
cooperation to be secure.
I therefore look forward to working with the Government and
people of the United States to make sure that we build a United Nations fit
for the 21st century, and a safer world.
Thank.
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