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DOCUMENT No.
18
Text of Bush's Speech at U.S. Army War College
Text of President Bush's speech Monday night at the U.S. Army War College in
Carlisle, Pa., as transcribed by eMediaMillWorks Inc.:
Thank you all. Thank you and good evening. I'm honored to
visit the Army War College. Generations of officers have come here to study
the strategies and history of warfare. I've come here tonight to report to all
Americans, and to the Iraqi people, on the strategy our nation is pursuing in
Iraq and the specific steps we're taking to achieve our goals.
The
actions of our enemies over the last few weeks have been brutal, calculating
and instructive. We've seen a car-bombing take the life of a 61-year-old Iraqi
named Izzadine Saleem, who was serving as president of the governing council.
This crime shows our enemy's intention to prevent Iraqi self-government, even
if that means killing a lifelong Iraqi patriot and a faithful Muslim.
Mr. Saleem was assassinated by terrorists seeking the return
of tyranny and the death of democracy.
We've also seen images of a young American facing decapitation. This vile
display shows a contempt for all the rules of warfare and all the bounds of
civilized behavior. It reveals a fanaticism that was not caused by any action
of ours and would not be appeased by any concession.
We suspect that the man with the knife was an al-Qaida
associate named Zarqawi. He and other terrorists know that Iraq is now the
central front in the war on terror, and we must understand that as well.
The
return of tyranny to Iraq would be an unprecedented terrorist victory and a
cause for killers to rejoice. It would also embolden the terrorists, leading
to more bombings, more beheadings and more murders of the innocent around the
world.
The
rise of a free and self-governing Iraq will deny terrorists a base of
operation, discredit their narrow ideology and give momentum to reformers
across the region.
This
will be a decisive blow to terrorism at the heart of its power and a victory
for the security of America and the civilized world.
Our work in Iraq has been hard. Our coalition has faced
changing conditions of war and that has required perseverance, sacrifice and
an ability to adapt.
The swift removal of Saddam Hussein's regime last spring had
an unintended affect. Instead of being killed or captured on the battlefield,
some of Saddam's elite guards shed their uniforms and melted into the civilian
population.
These elements of Saddam's repressive regime and secret police have
reorganized, rearmed and adopted sophisticated terrorist tactics. They've
linked up with foreign fighters and terrorists. In a few cities, extremists
have tried to sow chaos and seize regional power for themselves.
These groups and individuals have conflicting ambitions, but
they share a goal. They hope to wear out the patience of Americans, our
coalition and Iraqis before the arrival of effective self-government and
before Iraqis have the capability to defend their freedom.
Iraq now faces a critical moment. As the Iraqi people move
closer to governing themselves, the terrorists are likely to become more
active and more brutal.
There are difficult days ahead, and the way forward may sometimes appear
chaotic. Yet our coalition is strong and our efforts are focused and
unrelenting, and no power of the enemy will stop Iraq's progress.
Helping construct a stable democracy after decades of dictatorship is a
massive undertaking. Yet we have a great advantage. Whenever people are given
a choice in the matter, they prefer lives of freedom to lives of fear.
Our enemies in Iraq are good at filling hospitals, but they
don't build any. They can incite men to murder and suicide, but they cannot
inspire men to live in hope and add to the progress of their country. The
terrorists’ only influence is violence and their only agenda is death.
Our agenda, in contrast, is freedom and independence, security
and prosperity for the Iraqi people.
And
by removing a source of terrorist violence and instability in the Middle East,
we also make our own country more secure.
Our
coalition has a clear goal, understood by all: to see the Iraqi people in
charge of Iraq for the first time in generations.
America's task in Iraq is not only to defeat an enemy, it is
to give strength to a friend -- a free, representative government that serves
its people and fights on their behalf.
And
the sooner this goal is achieved, the sooner our job will be done.
There are five steps in our plan to help Iraq achieve
democracy and freedom: We will hand over authority to a sovereign Iraqi
government; help establish security; continue rebuilding Iraq's
infrastructure; encourage more international support; and move toward a
national election that will bring forward new leaders empowered by the Iraqi
people.
The
first of these steps will occur next month, when our coalition will transfer
full sovereignty to a government of Iraqi citizens who will prepare the way
for national elections.
On June 30th, the Coalition Provisional Authority will cease
to exist and will not be replaced. The occupation will end and Iraqis will
govern their own affairs.
America's ambassador to Iraq, John Negroponte, will present
his credentials to the new president of Iraq. Our embassy in Baghdad will have
the same purpose as any other American embassy: to assure good relations with
a sovereign nation.
America and other countries will continue to provide technical experts to help
Iraq's ministries of government, but these ministries will report to Iraq's
new prime minister.
The
United Nations special envoy, Lakhdar Brahimi, is now consulting with a broad
spectrum of Iraqis to determine the composition of this interim government.
The special envoy intends to put forward the names of interim government
officials this week.
In
addition to a president, two vice presidents and a prime minister, 26 Iraqi
ministers will oversee government departments from health to justice to
defense. This new government will be advised by a national council, which will
be chosen in July by Iraqis representing their country's diversity.
This interim government will exercise full sovereignty until
national elections are held.
America fully supports Mr. Brahimi's efforts, and I have instructed the
Coalition Provisional Authority to assist him in every way possible.
In preparation for sovereignty, many functions of government
have already been transferred. Twelve government ministries are currently
under the direct control of Iraqis.
The
ministry of education, for example, is out of the propaganda business and is
now concerned with educating Iraqi children. Under the direction of Dr.
Ala'din al-Alwan, the ministry has trained more than 30,000 teachers and
supervisors for the schools of a new Iraq.
All
along, some have questioned whether the Iraqi people are ready for
self-government, or want it, and all along, the Iraqi people have given their
answers.
In
settings where Iraqis have met to discuss their country's future, they have
endorsed representative government, and they are practicing representative
government.
Many
of Iraq's cities and towns now have elected town councils and city
governments, and beyond the violence a civil society is emerging.
The June 30th transfer of sovereignty is an essential
commitment of our strategy.
Iraqis are proud people who resent foreign control of their affairs, just as
we would. After decades under the tyrant, they are also reluctant to trust
authority.
By
keeping our promise on June 30th, the coalition will demonstrate that we have
no interest in occupation. And full sovereignty will give Iraqis a direct
interest in the success of their own government.
Iraqis will know that when they build a school or repair a
bridge, they are not working for the Coalition Provisional Authority, they are
working for themselves.
And
when they patrol the streets of Baghdad or engage radical militias, they will
be fighting for their own country.
The second step in the plan for Iraqi democracy is to help
establish the stability and security that democracy requires.
Coalition forces and the Iraqi people have the same enemies: the terrorists,
illegal militia and Saddam loyalists who stand between the Iraqi people and
their future as a free nation. Working as allies, we will defend Iraq and
defeat these enemies.
America will provide forces and support necessary for achieving these goals.
Our
commanders had estimated that a troop level below 115,000 would be sufficient
at this point in the conflict. Given the recent increase in violence, we will
maintain our troop level at the current 138,000 as long as necessary.
This
has required extended duty for the 1st Armored Division and the 2nd Light
Cavalry Regiment -- 20,000 men and women who were scheduled to leave Iraq in
April. Our nation appreciates their hard work and sacrifice, and they can know
that they will be heading home soon.
General Abizaid and other commanders in Iraq are constantly
assessing the level of troops they need to fulfill the mission. If they need
more troops, I will send them.
The
mission of our forces in Iraq is demanding and dangerous. Our troops are
showing exceptional skill and courage.
I thank them for their sacrifices and their duty.
In
the city of Fallujah there has been considerable violence by Saddam loyalists
and foreign fighters, including the murder of four American contractors.
American soldiers and Marines could have used overwhelming force.
Our
commanders, however, consulted with Iraq's governing council and local
officials and determined that massive strikes against the enemy would alienate
the local population and increase support for the insurgency.
So
we have pursued a different approach. We're making security a shared
responsibility in Fallujah. Coalition commanders have worked with local
leaders to create an all-Iraqi security force, which is now patrolling the
city.
Our
soldiers and Marines will continue to disrupt enemy attacks on our supply
routes, conduct joint patrols with Iraqis to destroy bomb factories and safe
houses, and kill or capture any enemy.
We
want Iraqi forces to gain experience and confidence in dealing with their
country's enemies. We want the Iraqi people to know that we trust their
growing capabilities, even as we help build them.
At the same time, Fallujah must cease to be a sanctuary for
the enemy. And those responsible for terrorism will be held to account.
In
the cities of Najaf and Karbala and Kufa, most of the violence has been
decided by a young radical cleric who commands an illegal militia. These
enemies have been hiding behind an innocent civilian population, storing arms
and ammunition in mosques and launching attacks from holy shrines.
Our soldiers have treated religious sites with respect, while
systematically dismantling the illegal militia.
We're also seeing Iraqis themselves take more responsibility
for restoring order. In recent weeks, Iraqi forces have ejected elements of
this militia from the governor's office in Najaf.
Yesterday, an elite Iraqi unit cleared out a weapons cache from a large mosque
in Kufa.
Respected Shia leaders have called on the militia to withdraw
from these towns. Ordinary Iraqis have marched in protest against the
militants. As challenges rise in Fallujah, Najaf and elsewhere, the tactics of
our military will be flexible.
Commanders on the ground will pay close attention to local conditions and we
will do all that is necessary by measured force or overwhelming force to
achieve a stable Iraq.
Iraq's military police and border forces have begun to take on
broader responsibilities. Eventually, they must be the primary defenders of
Iraqi security as American and coalition forces are withdrawn. And we're
helping them to prepare for this role.
In
some cases, the early performance of Iraqi forces fell short. Some refused
orders to engage the enemy. We've learned from these failures and we've taken
steps to correct them.
Successful fighting units need a sense of cohesion so we've lengthened and
intensified their training. Successful units need to know they are fighting
for the future of their own country, not for any occupying power. So we are
ensuring that Iraqi forces serve under an Iraqi chain of command.
Successful fighting units need the best possible leadership. So we improved
the vetting and training of Iraqi officers and senior enlisted men.
At my direction and with the support of Iraqi authorities, we
are accelerating our program to help train Iraqis to defend their country.
A
new team of senior military officers is now assessing every unit in Iraq's
security forces. I've asked this team to oversee the training of a force of
260,000 Iraqi soldiers, police and other security personnel. Five Iraqi army
battalions are in the field now, with another eight battalions to join them by
July 1st.
The eventual goal is an Iraqi army of 35,000 soldiers in 27
battalions fully prepared to defend their country.
After June 30th, American and other forces will still have important duties.
American military forces in Iraq will operate under American command as a part
of a multinational force authorized by the United Nations.
Iraq's new sovereign government will still face enormous security challenges
and our forces will be there to help.
The third step in the plan for Iraqi democracy is to continue
rebuilding that nation's infrastructure so that a free Iraq can quickly gain
economic independence and a better quality of life.
Our coalition has already helped Iraqis to rebuild schools and
refurbish hospitals and health clinics, repair bridges, upgrade the electrical
grid and modernize the communication system.
And
now a growing private economy is taking shape. A new currency has been
introduced. Iraq's governing council approved a new law that opens the country
to foreign investment for the first time in decades. Iraq has liberalized its
trade policy. And today, an Iraqi observer attends meetings of the World Trade
Organization.
Iraqi oil production has reached more than 2 million barrels
per day, bringing revenues of nearly $6 billion so far this year, which is
being used to help the people of Iraq.
And
thanks in part to our efforts, to the efforts of former Secretary of State
James Baker, many of Iraq's largest creditors have pledged to forgive or
substantially reduce Iraqi debt incurred by the former regime.
We're making progress. Yet there still is much work to do.
Over
the decades of Saddam's rule, Iraq's infrastructure was allowed to crumble
while money was diverted to palaces and to war and to weapons programs.
We're urging other nations to contribute to Iraqi reconstruction, and 37
countries, and the IMF and the World Bank, have so far pledged $13.5 billion
in aid.
America has dedicated more than $20 billion to reconstruction and development
projects in Iraq.
To ensure our money is spent wisely and effectively, our new
embassy in Iraq will have regional offices in several key cities. These
offices will work closely with Iraqis at all levels of government to help make
sure projects are completed on time and on budget.
A new Iraq will also need a humane, well-supervised prison
system. Under the dictator, prisons like Abu Ghraib were symbols of death and
torture. That same prison became a symbol of disgraceful conduct by a few
American troops who dishonored our country and disregarded our values.
America will fund the construction of a modern maximum
security prison.
When that prison is completed, detainees at Abu Ghraib will be
relocated. Then with the approval of the Iraqi government, we will demolish
the Abu Ghraib Prison as a fitting symbol of Iraq's new beginning.
The fourth step in our plan is to enlist additional
international support for Iraq's transition.
At every stage, the United States has gone to the United
Nations to confront Saddam Hussein, to promise serious consequences for his
actions and to begin Iraqi reconstruction.
Today the United States and Great Britain presented a new resolution in the
Security Council to help move Iraq toward self-government.
I
directed Secretary Powell to work with fellow members of the council to
endorse the timetable the Iraqis have adopted, to express international
support for Iraq's interim government, to reaffirm the world's security
commitment to the Iraqi people and to encourage other U.N. members to join in
the effort.
Despite past disagreements, most nations have indicated strong
support for the success of a free Iraq, and I am confident they will share in
the responsibility of assuring that success.
Next month at the NATO summit in Istanbul, I will thank our 15
NATO allies who together have more than 17,000 troops on the ground in Iraq.
Great Britain and Poland are each leading a multinational
division that is securing important parts of the country. And NATO itself is
giving helpful intelligence and communications and logistical support to the
Polish-led division.
At
the summit, we will discuss NATO's role in helping Iraq build and secure its
democracy.
The fifth, and most important step is free national elections,
to be held no later than next January.
A United Nations team headed by Carina Perelli is now in Iraq
helping form an independent election commission that will oversee an orderly
accurate national election. In that election, the Iraqi people will choose a
transitional national assembly, the first freely elected, truly representative
national governing body in Iraq's history.
This assembly will serve as Iraq's legislature and it will
choose a transitional government with executive powers. The transitional
national assembly will also draft a new constitution, which will be presented
to the Iraqi people in a referendum scheduled for the fall of 2005.
Under this new constitution, Iraq will elect a permanent government by the end
of next year.
In this time of war and liberation and rebuilding, American
soldiers and civilians on the ground have come to know and respect the
citizens of Iraq. They're a proud people who hold strong and diverse opinions.
Yet
Iraqis are united in a broad and deep conviction. They're determined never
again to live at the mercy of a dictator.
And
they believe that a national election will put that dark time behind them.
A
representative government that protects basic rights, elected by Iraqis, is
the best defense against the return of tyranny. And that election is coming.
Completing the five steps to Iraqi elected self-government
will not be easy. There's likely to be more violence before the transfer of
sovereignty and after the transfer of sovereignty. The terrorists and Saddam
loyalists would rather see many Iraqis die than have any live in freedom.
But
terrorists will not determine the future of Iraq.
That nation is moving every week toward free elections and a
permanent place among free nations.
Like every nation that has made the journey to democracy,
Iraqis will raise up a government that reflects their own culture and values.
I sent American troops to Iraq to defend our security, not to
stay as an occupying power. I sent American troops to Iraq to make its people
free, not to make them American.
Iraqis will write their own history and find their own way.
As
they do, Iraqis can be certain a free Iraq will always have a friend in the
United States of America.
In
the last 32 months, history has placed great demands on our country and events
have come quickly.
Americans have seen the flames of September 11th, followed battles in the
mountains of Afghanistan and learned new terms like orange alert and ricin and
dirty bomb.
We've seen killers at work on trains in Madrid, in a bank in Istanbul, in a
synagogue in Tunis and at a nightclub in Bali. And now the families of our
soldiers and civilian workers pray for their sons and daughters in Mosul, in
Karbala, in Baghdad.
We
did not seek this war on terror, but this is the world as we find it. We must
keep our focus. We must do our duty.
History is moving and it will tend toward hope or tend toward tragedy.
Our
terrorist enemies have a vision that guides and explains all their varied acts
of murder. They seek to impose Taliban-like rule country by country across the
greater Middle East.
They seek the total control of every person in mind and soul;
a harsh society in which women are voiceless and brutalized. They seek bases
of operation to train more killers and export more violence. They commit
dramatic acts of murder to shock, frighten and demoralize civilized nations,
hoping we will retreat from the world and give them free rein.
They
seek weapons of mass destruction to impose their will through blackmail and
catastrophic attacks.
None of this is the expression of a religion. It is a
totalitarian, political ideology pursued with consuming zeal and without
conscious.
Our
actions, too, are guided by a vision.
We
believe that freedom can advance and change lives in the greater Middle East
as it has advanced and changed lives in Asia, in Latin America, in Eastern
Europe and Africa. We believe it is a tragedy of history that in the Middle
East, which gave the world great gifts of law and science and faith, so many
have been held back by lawless tyranny and fanaticism.
<http://www.post-gazette.com/pg/04146/321503.stm>
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