Book Review-II

 The Post-Cold War World 

Edited by Li Chauwen
Shanghai Institute for International Studies, Shanghai, China, 2000
Pages: 334. Price: not given.

In the recent past, the world witnessed the dismemberment of the former Soviet Union. The disappearance of the bi-polar world has led to a readjustment and realignment in relationships among the major powers. Simultaneously, we have witnessed the eruption of conflicts and contradictions–ethnic, political and religious–in a number of countries and areas. These conflicts had hitherto been suppressed or covered in the bi-polar global framework. As a concomitant of these developments, the post-Cold War world is far from being peaceful and secure.

            The volume under review, The Post-Cold War World, we find views on and concerns about issues in the present-day global situation. We witness the contention between the tendencies towards multi-polarity and uni-polarity. The most important question is whether world affairs should be debated and decided upon in a multi-polar setting, i.e., the international community as a whole, or if they should be decided unilaterally, by the sole surviving superpower.

            It is common knowledge that, given the complexity of international life, the desire that controversies, conflicts and confrontations should be resolved jointly by all nations, dealing on the basis of equality. As such, the idea of external pressure exercised arbitrarily by the sole superpower must be totally rejected. Viewed in this context, multi-polarity is an inexorable tendency in the development of international relations.

            In a well-researched article, “China: Post-War Environment and External Relations”, Chen Peiyao states that towards the end of the Cold War, the West, led by the United States, exercised enormous political and economic pressure on socialist China. The purpose of the pressure tactics was to force China to change, as the former Soviet Union and other East European countries had done. However, China did not succumb to this pressure. Instead, during that, period, China maintained a rapid economic growth as well as political stability. Thus, the West’s policy, “to make China change by pressure”, was totally frustrated. Instead, since 1993, China’s achievements in the economic field have attracted much attention and appreciation throughout the world.

            In view of China’s spectacular success, the West had to change its strategy. To begin with, it adjusted its China policy and took the initiative in developing political and economic relations with that country, as it stood to gain substantial benefits. The West also entered the Chinese market, with its enormous potential for trade, while trying to integrate China in the obtaining international political and economic systems. At the same time, the West has not yet given up its policy of pressurizing China, and continues to trumpet the theory of a “China Threat”, aimed at stifling China’s emergence as a great power.

            In the next article, Zhu Maju, discusses the features of Western civilization and their impact on China. He states that, since the end of the Cold War, the effect of cultural factors on international relations has been increasing. Among the rich cultures of the world, Western civilization apparently enjoys a dominant place and, as such, its influence is particularly significant. It is against this backdrop that the author explores the essence and features of Western civilization and their impact on international relations. Maju highlights the fact that there are over 200 countries in the world, each with its own cultural milieu, each contributing to the colour and vitality of our world. The confluence of Western and non-Western civilizations does not necessarily result in a clash. Rather, the consequence could well be integration, followed by evolution towards a new and higher level of civilization.

            Maju maintains that different civilizations could seek common ground while preserving their ideological moorings, thus promoting good and eliminating the bad. At a time when Western civilization has failed to cure its own social ailments, it will be in the interest of the West to shed its arrogance and stop parading as the centre of the world. It should search for the common ground among different civilizations and learn from the positive aspects of other civilizations. This will lead to enhanced mutual respect between different civilizations.

            In “Adjustment of Big Powers Relations and Development of World Multi-polarization Tendency”, Chen Qimao remarks that, since the end of the Cold War, struggles had become increasingly more prominent between “multi- polarization” tendencies throughout the world, and the “single polar” tendency of one or two countries that attempt to dominate world affairs. In the struggle between multi-polarization and uni-polar tendencies, it is pertinent to note that, in China’s perception, the multi-polarization is an irresistible global historical trend and its development is conducive to world peace. Multi-polarization advocates that all countries in the world must make common efforts to establish a just, rational and dynamic international political and economic order on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence.

            Continuing his arguments, Qimao convincingly affirms that China opposes any global or regional power that promotes hegemony. This, however, does not mean that China regards such a country as its enemy. As a matter of fact, China is willing to develop friendly relations with any country that shows its willingness to shed its hegemonic designs. It is in accordance with this principle that China would like to conduct its relations with the US and the former Soviet Union.

Dilating on the “Sino–US Strategic Partnership”, Yang Jiemian states that, in the twenty-first century, China is striving for a favourable international political and economic order that will support its drive towards modernization. It is with this end in view that it is forging stable relations with major powers. China has established a strategic partnership with Russia; it has also entered into a comprehensive partnership with France and has become a dialogue partner of ASEAN. Currently, China is negotiating a “strategic partnership” with the United States. Incidentally, during the past quarter of a century, Sino–US relations have been successfully strengthened and have withstood severe tests. Now the two countries have to make an historic decision: whether they would like to become co-operative partners or confrontational adversaries.

            As things stand, Sino–US relations are at a crossroad. Qimao is convinced that if the two countries are wise enough to see healthier course in their bilateral relations in the post-Cold War era, their mutual relations could certainly overcome crises-management passivity.

            Ding Xingao, writing on a similar theme, examines the possibility of a stable relationship between the United States and China. He maintains that the history of the past one hundred years shows that two elements in American foreign policy have been “consistent”: a strong sense of ideology and the trend of interference in the internal affairs of other countries. Interestingly, the US does temporarily put aside ideology when practical interests are taken into consideration; however, it will not be totally given up by any US administration.

            Foreign policy statements made by US presidents in the past and in present times always highlight the promotion of democracy and human rights abroad. The United States, however, is often driven in its international behaviour by strategic and economic interests; hence, the US practice of double standards in dealing with foreign countries.

In the last article, Zhao Huashing examines the new framework of “Sino–Russian–US Triangular Relations”. He says that the triangle is merely one part of the emerging multi-polar configuration of the world. Many other power centres exist beyond this triangle. All these powers together form the current kaleidoscopic multi-polar world. The 1950s and 1960s witnessed a Sino–Soviet alliance against the US; Sino‑US co-operation against the Soviet Union was the order of the day during the 1970s and 1980s. Currently, the three countries are moving towards a new structure of mutual relations. On the one hand, they share important common interests and have established a co-operative relationship; on the other hand, geopolitical competition among major powers continues.

            There is a consensus among the writers included in this volume that in view of the great differences in the social systems, history, cultures and stages of economic development between China, Russia and the United States, the existence of problems amongst these countries is natural. What is important, however, is that all of them should view these problems realistically and make concerted efforts to find a workable solution. If these countries take a long-term view of the global situation and proceed realistically, their problems can be resolved and the prospects for the development of mutual economic and trade relations would certainly be brighter.

Colonel (retired) Ghulam Sarwar