Fact Files

Transition Process in Iraq

Editor
Dr.Noor ul Haq

Assistant Editor
Nuzhat Khanum

Contents

Preface

1.          UNSC Resolution 1483, 22 May 2003 [Text]
2.          UN Security Council Resolution 1500, 14 August 2003 [Text]
3.          UN Security Council Resolution 1511, 16 October 2003 [Text]
4.          UN Backs Iraq Resolution
5.          UNSC Resolution 1518, 24 November 2003 [Text]
6.          UN Rules Out Poll Before Iraq Handover
7.          Iraqi Interim Constitution [Text]
8.          Muslim Nations Ponder Iraq Force
9.          Iraq's Interim Cabinet Sworn in
10.        Full Text of Iraqi PM's Address
11.        Interim Iraqi Government [Cabinet]
12.        Iraq Plan Gets Unanimous Backing
13.        UNSC Resolution 1546, 8 June 2004 [Text]
14.        Security Council Endorses Formation of Sovereign Interim
             Government in Iraq
15.        Neighbours' Support for Iraq Stability Stressed
16.        Bush Reviews Five-Point Plan for Iraqi Self-Government [Extract]
17.        US in Iraq to Help With Reconstruction And Security, Says Powell
18.        The Liberation of Baghdad is Not Far Away
19.        NATO Leaders Announce Agreements, 28 June 2004 [Extract]
20.        NATO to Train Iraqi Armed Forces
21.        US Hands Back Power in Iraq
22.        Iraq Handover: Key Quotes
23.        Transfer of Power
24.        Review of the Arab Press
25.        Iraqis Have Lived This Lie Before
26.        Iran Hails Iraq's Hand Over
27.        A New Beginning in Iraq
28.        Qazi Made UN Envoy to Iraq
29.        Ashraf to Help in Political Transition
30.        Iraq TimeLine: February 1, 2004 to Present [Chronology]
31.        Lead-Up to Power Transfer: A Chronology

UNSC Resolution 1483 (2003)[Text]

U.N. Security Council Ends Economic Sanctions on Iraq, May 22, 2003

(Sets up development fund, phases out Oil-for-Food program)

The U.N. Security Council May 22 adopted resolution 1483 ending economic sanctions on Iraq, setting out the responsibilities of the United Nations in Iraq, and supporting the establishment of a transitional administration run by Iraqis. By a vote of 14 to 0, the 15-member council (Syria was absent from the meeting) adopted the resolution under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter. The council asked the U.N. secretary general to appoint a special representative for Iraq with "independent responsibilities" to coordinate U.N. activities and assist the Iraqi people. It outlined seven areas of responsibility, including coordination of humanitarian and reconstruction assistance, safe return of refugees and displaced persons, human rights, and legal and judicial reform.

The seven-page resolution sets up a "Development Fund for Iraq" to be held in the Central Bank of Iraq, audited by independent public accountants, and overseen by an international advisory and monitoring board that includes representatives of the IMF, World Bank, and the Unite Nations. The fund is to be used for humanitarian needs, economic reconstruction, repair of Iraq's infrastructure, disarmament activities, and civilian administration. The revenues of all oil sales are to be deposited in the fund.

Until December 31, 2007, Iraqi's oil products shall be immune from legal proceedings, garnishment, or any form of attachment, the resolution says.

The phasing out of the Oil-for-Food program, which is to take place within six months, is delineated in a six-part approach that allows the program to coordinate shipments and delivery of goods with the authority, requires the program to review the contracts already funded with the authority, asks for an operating budget
to be submitted within 21 days, and allows the program to fulfil the contracts entered into prior to the war.
The resolution also ends the U.N. monitoring of Iraq's oil exports.

According to the resolution, $1 billion from the Oil-for-Food program is to be transferred immediately to the Development Fund for Iraq with the remaining money going into the fund when the program ends.

Any Iraqi assets frozen by nations under previous resolutions as well as funds or other assets of Saddam Hussein and other senior Iraqi officials are to be transferred to the Development Fund for Iraq, the resolution states.

With the exception of military sales, "all prohibitions related to trade with Iraq and the provision of financial or economic resources to Iraq ... shall no longer apply," the resolution says.

The resolution "supports the formation, by the people of Iraq with the help of the Authority [the United States and the United Kingdom] and working with the Special Representative, of an Iraqi interim administration as a transitional administration run by Iraqis, until an internationally recognized, representative government is established by the people of Iraq and assumes the responsibilities of the Authority."

The council also called upon nations to respond to humanitarian appeals, to deny safe haven to the members of Saddam Hussein's regime who are alleged to be responsible for crimes and atrocities, and to take steps to facilitate the return of Iraqi cultural property.

The United States and United Kingdom sent letters to the council accepting the responsibilities of occupying powers in Iraq. In the resolution they are referred to as the authority.

Following is the text of Security Council Resolution 1483:
(begin text)

Resolution 1483 (2003) [Text]

The Security Council,

Recalling all its previous relevant resolutions,

Reaffirming the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq,

Reaffirming also the importance of the disarmament of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction and of eventual confirmation of the disarmament of Iraq,

Stressing the right of the Iraqi people freely to determine their own political future and control their own natural resources, welcoming the commitment of all parties concerned to support the creation of an environment in which they may do so as soon as possible, and expressing resolve that the day when Iraqis govern themselves must come quickly,

Encouraging efforts by the people of Iraq to form a representative government based on the rule of law that affords equal rights and justice to all Iraqi citizens without regard to ethnicity, religion, or gender, and, in this connection, recalls resolution 1325 (2000) of 31 October 2000,

Welcoming the first steps of the Iraqi people in this regard, and noting in this connection the 15 April 2003 Nasiriyah statement and the 28 April 2003 Baghdad statement,

Resolved that the United Nations should play a vital role in humanitarian relief, the reconstruction of Iraq, and the restoration and establishment of national and local institutions for representative governance,

Noting the statement of 12 April 2003 by the Ministers of Finance and Central Bank Governors of the Group of Seven Industrialized Nations in which the members recognized the need for a multilateral effort to help rebuild and develop Iraq and for the need for assistance from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in these efforts,

Welcoming also the resumption of humanitarian assistance and the continuing efforts of the Secretary-General and the specialized agencies to provide food and medicine to the people of Iraq,

Welcoming the appointment by the Secretary-General of his Special Adviser on Iraq,

Affirming the need for accountability for crimes and atrocities committed by the previous Iraqi regime,

Stressing the need for respect for the archaeological, historical, cultural, and religious heritage of Iraq, and for the continued protection of archaeological, historical, cultural, and religious sites, museums, libraries, and monuments,

Noting the letter of 8 May 2003 from the Permanent Representatives of the United States of America and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the President of the Security Council (S/2003/538) and recognizing the specific authorities, responsibilities, and obligations under applicable international law of these states as occupying powers under unified command (the "Authority"),

Noting further that other States that are not occupying powers are working now or in the future may work under the Authority,

Welcoming further the willingness of Member States to contribute to stability and security in Iraq by contributing personnel, equipment, and other resources under the Authority,

Concerned that many Kuwaitis and Third-State Nationals still are not accounted for since 2 August 1990,

Determining that the situation in Iraq, although improved, continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security,

Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,

1. Appeals to Member States and concerned organizations to assist the people of Iraq in their efforts to reform their institutions and rebuild their country, and to contribute to conditions of stability and security in Iraq in accordance with this resolution;

2. Calls upon all Member States in a position to do so to respond immediately to the humanitarian appeals of the United Nations and other international organizations for Iraq and to help meet the humanitarian and other needs of the Iraqi people by providing food, medical supplies, and resources necessary for reconstruction and rehabilitation of Iraq's economic infrastructure;

3. Appeals to Member States to deny safe haven to those members of the previous Iraqi regime who are alleged to be responsible for crimes and atrocities and to support actions to bring them to justice;

4. Calls upon the Authority, consistent with the Charter of the United Nations and other relevant international law, to promote the welfare of the Iraqi people through the effective administration of the territory, including in particular working towards the restoration of conditions of security and stability and the creation of conditions in which the Iraqi people may freely determine their own political future;

5. Calls upon all concerned to comply fully with their obligations under international law including in particular the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Hague Regulations of 1907;

6. Calls upon the Authority and relevant organizations and individuals to continue efforts to locate, identify, and repatriate all Kuwaiti and Third-State Nationals or the remains of those present in Iraq on or after 2 August 1990, as well as the Kuwaiti archives, that the previous Iraqi regime failed to undertake, and, in this regard, directs the High-Level Coordinator, in consultation with the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Tripartite Commission and with the appropriate support of the people of Iraq and in coordination with the Authority, to take steps to fulfil his mandate with respect to the fate of Kuwaiti and Third-State National missing persons and property;

7. Decides that all Member States shall take appropriate steps to facilitate the safe return to Iraqi institutions of Iraqi cultural property and other items of archaeological, historical, cultural, rare scientific, and religious importance illegally removed from the Iraq National Museum, the National Library, and other locations in Iraq since the adoption of resolution 661 (1990) of 6 August 1990, including by establishing a prohibition on trade in or transfer of such items and items with respect to which reasonable suspicion exists that they have been illegally removed, and calls upon the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, Interpol, and other international organizations, as appropriate, to assist in the implementation of this paragraph;

8. Requests the Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative for Iraq whose independent responsibilities shall involve reporting regularly to the Council on his activities under this resolution, coordinating activities of the United Nations in post-conflict processes in Iraq, coordinating among United Nations and international agencies engaged in humanitarian assistance and reconstruction activities in Iraq, and, in coordination with the Authority, assisting the people of Iraq through:

(a) coordinating humanitarian and reconstruction assistance by United Nations agencies and between United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations;

(b) promoting the safe, orderly, and voluntary return of refugees and displaced persons;

(c) working intensively with the Authority, the people of Iraq, and others concerned to advance efforts to restore and establish national and local institutions for representative governance, including by working together to facilitate a process leading to an internationally recognized, representative government of Iraq;

(d) facilitating the reconstruction of key infrastructure, in cooperation with other international organizations;

(e) promoting economic reconstruction and the conditions for sustainable development, including through coordination with national and regional organizations, as appropriate, civil society, donors and the international financial institutions;

(f) encouraging international efforts to contribute to basic civilian administration functions;

(g) promoting then protection of human rights;

(h) encouraging international efforts to rebuild the capacity of the Iraqi civilian police force; and

(i) encouraging international efforts to promote legal and judicial reform.

9. Supports the formation, by the people of Iraq with the help of the Authority and working with the Special Representative, of an Iraqi interim administration as a transitional administration run by Iraqis, until an internationally recognized, representative government is established by the people of Iraq and assumes the responsibilities of the Authority;

10. Decides that, with the exception of prohibitions related to the sale or supply to Iraq of arms and related materiel other than those arms and related materiel required by the Authority to serve the purposes of this and other related resolutions, all prohibitions related to trade with Iraq and the provision of financial or economic resources to Iraq established by resolution 661 (1990) and subsequent relevant resolutions, including resolution 778 (1992) of 2 October 1992, shall no longer apply;

11. Reaffirms that Iraq must meet its disarmament obligations, encourages the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America to keep the Council informed of their activities in this regard, and underlines the intention of the Council to revisit the mandates of the United Nations Monitoring, Verification, and Inspection Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency as set forth in resolutions 687 (1991) of 3 April 1991, 1284 (1999) of 17 December 1999, and 1441 (2002) of 8 November 2002;

12. Notes the establishment of a Development Fund for Iraq to be held by the Central Bank of Iraq and to be audited by independent public accountants approved by the International Advisory and Monitoring Board of the Development Fund for Iraq and looks forward to the early meeting of that International Advisory and Monitoring Board, whose members shall include duly qualified representatives of the Secretary-General, of the Managing Director, of the International Monetary Fund, of the Director-General of the Arab Fund for Social and Economic Development, and of the President of the World Bank;

13. Notes farther that the funds in the Development Fund for Iraq shall be disbursed at the direction of the Authority, in consultation with the Iraqi interim administration, for the purposes set out in paragraph 14 below;

14. Underlines that the Development Fund for Iraq shall be used in a transparent manner to meet the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people, for the economic reconstruction and repair of Iraq's infrastructure, for the continued disarmament of Iraq, and for the costs of Iraqi civilian administration, and for other purposes benefiting the people of Iraq;

15. Calls upon the international financial institutions to assist the people of Iraq in the reconstruction and development of their economy and to facilitate assistance by the broader donor community, and welcomes the readiness of creditors, including those of the Paris Club, to seek a solution to Iraq's sovereign debt problems;

16. Requests also that the Secretary-General, in coordination with the Authority, continue the exercise of his responsibilities under Security Council resolution 1472 (2003) of 28 March 2003 and 1476 (2003) of 24 April 2003, for a period of six months following the adoption of this resolution, and terminate within this time period, in the most cost effective manner, the ongoing operations of the "Oil-for-Food" Programme (the "Programme"), both at headquarters level and in the field, transferring responsibility for the administration of any remaining activity under the Programme to the Authority, including by taking the following necessary measures:

(a) to facilitate as soon as possible the shipment and authenticated delivery of priority civilian goods as identified by the Secretary-General and representatives designated by him, in coordination with the Authority and the Iraqi interim administration, under approved and funded contracts previously concluded by the previous Government of Iraq, for the humanitarian relief of the people of Iraq, including, as necessary, negotiating adjustments in the terms or conditions of these contracts and respective letters of credit as set forth in paragraph 4 (d) of resolution 1472 (2003);

(b) to review, in light of changed circumstances, in coordination with the Authority and the Iraqi interim administration, the relative utility of each approved and funded contract with a view to determining whether such contracts contain items required to meet the needs of the people of Iraq both now and during reconstruction, and to postpone action on those contracts determined to be of questionable utility and the respective letters of credit until an internationally recognized, representative government of Iraq is in a position to make its own determination as to whether such contracts shall be fulfilled;

(c) to provide the Security Council within 21 days following the adoption of this resolution, for the Security Council's review and consideration, an estimated operating budget based on funds already set aside in the account established pursuant to paragraph 8 (d) of resolution 986 (1995) of 14 April 1995, identifying:

(i) all known and projected costs to the United Nations required to ensure the continued functioning of the activities associated with implementation of the present resolution, including operating and administrative expenses associated with the relevant United Nations agencies and programmes responsible for the implementation of the Programme both at Headquarters and in the field;

(ii) all known, and projected costs associated with termination of the Programme;

(iii) all known and projected costs associated with restoring Government of Iraq funds that were provided by Member States to the Secretary-General as requested in paragraph 1 of resolution 778 (1992); and

(iv) all known and projected costs associated with the Special Representative and the qualified representative of the Secretary-General identified to serve on the International Advisory and Monitoring Board, for the six month time period defined above, following which these costs shall be borne by the United Nations;

(d) to consolidate into a single fund the accounts established pursuant to paragraphs 8 (a) and 8 (b) of resolution 986 (1995);

(e) to fulfil all remaining obligations related to the termination of the programme, including negotiating, in the most cost effective manner, any necessary settlement payments, which shall be made from the escrow accounts established pursuant to paragraphs 8 (a) and 8 (b) of resolution 986 (1995), which those parties that previously have entered into contractual obligations with the Secretary-General under the Programme, and to determine, in coordination with the Authority and the Iraqi interim administration, the future status of contracts undertaken by the United Nations and related United Nations agencies under the accounts established pursuant to paragraphs 8 (b) and 8 (d) of resolution 986 (1995);

(f) to provide the Security Council, 30 days prior to the termination of the Programme, with a comprehensive strategy developed in close coordination with the Authority and the Iraqi interim administration that would lead to the delivery of all relevant documentation and, the transfer of all operational responsibility of the Programme to the Authority;

17. Requests further that the Secretary-General transfer as soon as possible to the Development Fund for Iraq 1 billion United States dollars from unencumbered funds in the accounts established pursuant to paragraphs 8 (a) and 8 (b) of resolution 986 (1995), restore Government of Iraq funds that were provided by Member States to the Secretary-General as requested in paragraph 1 of resolution 778 (1992), and decides that, after deducting all relevant United Nations expenses associated with the shipment of authorized contracts, and costs to the Programme outlined in paragraph 16 (c) above, including residual obligations, all surplus funds in the escrow accounts established pursuant to paragraphs 8 (a), 8 (b), 8 (d), and 8 (f) of resolution 986 (1995) shall be transferred at the earliest possible time to the Development Fund for Iraq;

18. Decides to terminate effective on the adoption of this resolution the functions related to the observation and monitoring activities undertaken by the Secretary-General under the Programme, including the monitoring of the export of petroleum and petroleum products from Iraq;

19. Decides to terminate the Committee established pursuant to paragraph 6 of resolution 661 (1990) at the conclusion of the six months period called for in paragraph 16 above and further decides that the Committee shall identify individuals and entities referred to in paragraph 23 below;

20. Decides that all export sales of petroleum, petroleum products, and natural gas from Iraq following the date of the adoption of this resolution shall be made consistent with prevailing international market best practices, to be audited by independent public accountants reporting to the International Advisory and Monitoring Board referred to in paragraph 12 above in order to ensure transparency, and decides further that, except as provided in paragraph 21 below, all proceeds from such sales shall be deposited into the Development Fund for Iraq, until such time as an internationally recognized, representative government of Iraq is properly constituted;

21. Decides further that 5 percent of the proceeds referred to in paragraph 20 above shall be deposited into the Compensation Fund established in accordance with resolution 687 (1991) and subsequent relevant resolutions and that, unless an internationally recognized, representative government of Iraq and the Governing Council of the United Nations Compensation Commission, in the exercise of its authority over methods of ensuring that payments are made into the Compensation Fund, decide otherwise, this requirement shall be binding on a properly constituted, internationally recognized, representative government of Iraq and any successor thereto;

22. Noting the relevance of the establishment of an internationally recognized, representative government of Iraq and the desirability of prompt completion of the restructuring of Iraq's debt as referred to in paragraph 15 above, further decides that, until December 31, 2007, unless the Council decides otherwise, petroleum, petroleum products, and natural gas originating in Iraq shall be immune, until title passes to the initial purchaser from legal proceedings against them and not be subject to any form of attachment, garnishment, or execution, and that all States shall take any steps that may be necessary under their respective domestic legal systems to assure this protection, and that proceeds and obligations arising from sales thereof, as well as the Development Fund for Iraq, shall enjoy privileges and immunities equivalent to those enjoyed by the United Nations except that the above-mentioned privileges and immunities will not apply with respect to any legal proceeding in which recourse to such proceeds or obligations is necessary to satisfy liability for damages assessed in connection with an ecological accident, including an oil spill, that occurs after the date of adoption of this resolution;

23. Decides that all Member States in which there are:

(a) funds or other financial assets or economic resources of the previous Government of Iraq or its state bodies, corporations, or agencies, located outside Iraq as of the date of this resolution, or

(b) funds or other financial assets or economic resources that have been removed from Iraq, or acquired, by Saddam Hussein or other senior officials of the former Iraqi regime and their immediate family members, including entities owned or controlled, directly or indirectly, by them or by persons acting on their behalf or at their direction,

shall freeze without delay those funds or other financial assets or economic resources and, unless these funds or other financial assets or economic resources are themselves the subject of a prior judicial, administrative, or arbitral lien or judgement, immediately shall cause their transfer to the Development Fund for Iraq, it being understood that, unless otherwise addressed, claims made by private individuals or non-government entities on those transferred funds or other financial assets may be presented to the internationally recognized, representative government of Iraq; and decides further that all such funds or other financial assets or economic resources shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and protections as provided under paragraph 22;

24. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Council at regular intervals on the work of the Special Representative with respect to the implementation of this resolution and on the work of the International Advisory and Monitoring Board and encourages the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America to inform the Council at regular intervals of their efforts under this resolution;

25. Decides to review the implementation of this resolution within twelve months of adoption and to consider further steps that might be necessary.

26. Calls upon Member States and international and regional organizations to contribute to the implementation of this resolution;

27. Decides to remain seized of this matter.

(end text)

Text of UNSC Resolution 1483, 22 May 2003

<http://www.usembassy.it/file2003_05/alia/A3052204.htm>

UN Security Council Resolution 1500 (2003) [Text]

Resolution 1500 (2003) Adopted by the Security Council at its 4808th meeting, on 14 August 2003

The Security Council,

Recalling all its previous relevant resolutions, in particular resolution
1483 (2003) of 22 May 2003,
                Reaffirming the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq,
                Reaffirming also the vital role for the United Nations in Iraq which was set out in relevant paragraphs of resolution 1483 (2003),
               Having considered the report of the Secretary-General of 15 July 2003
(S/2003/715),

1.          Welcomes the establishment of the broadly representative Governing
Council of Iraq on 13 July 2003, as an important step towards the formation by the people of Iraq of an internationally recognized, representative government that will exercise the sovereignty of Iraq;
2.          Decides to establish the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq to support the Secretary-General
in the fulfillment of his mandate under resolution 1483 in accordance with the structure and responsibilities
set out in his report of 15 July 2003, for an initial period of twelve months;
3.          Decides to remain seized of this matter.

Text of UNSC Resolution 1500, 14 August 2003
<http://ods-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N03/467/78/PDF/N0346778.pdf?
OpenElement>

U.N. Security Council Resolution 1511 on Iraq, October 16, 2003 [Text]

[Resolution 1511 (2003) Adopted by the Security Council at its 4844th meeting,
on 16 October 2003]

(Resolution sets framework for security, political, economic progress)

The Security Council unanimously adopted a resolution October 16 providing a framework for U.N. and international participation in the political and economic rebuilding of Iraq and maintenance of security.

The resolution, originally proposed by the United States, was co-sponsored by Cameroon, Spain and United Kingdom.

Adopted under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter, the resolution focuses on three main areas: Iraqi leadership and the transfer of power from the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) to the Iraqi people; continued security provided by a multinational force under unified command; and international and United Nations participation in the financing of reconstruction and recovery projects. It also gives the United Nations a greater role in assisting Iraq in the political process and other areas such as human rights, humanitarian aid, and sustainable development.

In a statement to the council following the vote, U.S. Ambassador John Negroponte noted that the multinational force would be under "unified United States command."

The resolution recognizes the current Iraqi Governing Council and its ministers as the "principal bodies of the Iraqi interim administration," and gives the governing council two months, until December 15, 2003, to present a timetable to the Security Council for drafting a new constitution and holding democratic elections under that constitution.

Determining that "the provision of security and stability is essential to the successful completion of the political process" and the ability of the United Nations to work in the country, the resolution authorizes a "multinational force under unified command to take all necessary measures to contribute to the maintenance of security and stability in Iraq." The force is to report to the council at least every six months.

The resolution also calls upon the CPA "to return governing responsibilities and authorities to the people of Iraq as soon as practicable" and asks the authority, the Iraqi Governing Council, and the U.N. secretary general to report to the council on the progress being made.

It urges nations to contribute military forces to the multinational force and calls on member states as well as international financial institutions to provide the necessary resources, including a full range of loans and other financial assistance, for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Iraq's economic infrastructure.

In the resolution, the council also "unequivocally condemns" the terrorist bombings in Iraq and calls on nations to prevent the transit of terrorists and the transfer of weapons and financing for terrorist activities into the country.

Following is the text of the resolution:

(begin text)

Cameroon, Spain, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America: resolution 1511

Resolution 1511 [ TEXT]

The Security Council,

Reaffirming its previous resolutions on Iraq, including resolution 1483 (2003) of 22 May 2003 and 1500 (2003) of 14 August 2003, and on threats to peace and security caused by terrorist acts, including resolution 1373 (2001) of 28 September 2001, and other relevant resolutions,

Underscoring that the sovereignty of Iraq resides in the State of Iraq, reaffirming the right of the Iraqi people freely to determine their own political future and control their own natural resources, reiterating its resolve that the day when Iraqis govern themselves must come quickly, and recognizing the importance of international support, particularly that of countries in the region, Iraq's neighbours, and regional organizations, in taking forward this process expeditiously,

Recognizing that international support for restoration of conditions of stability and security is essential to the well-being of the people of Iraq as well as to the ability of all concerned to carry out their work on behalf of the people of Iraq, and welcoming Member State contributions in this regard under resolution 1483 (2003),

Welcoming the decision of the Governing Council of Iraq to form a preparatory constitutional committee to prepare for a constitutional conference that will draft a constitution to embody the aspirations of the Iraqi people, and urging it to complete this process quickly,

Affirming that the terrorist bombings of the Embassy of Jordan on 7 August 2003, of the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad on 19 August 2003, of the Imam Ali Mosque in Najaf on 29 August 2003, and of the Embassy of Turkey on 14 October 2003, and the murder of a Spanish diplomat on 9 October 2003 are attacks on the people of Iraq, the United Nations, and the international community, and deploring the assassination of Dr. Akila al-Hashimi, who died on 25 September 2003, as an attack directed against the future of Iraq,

In that context, recalling and reaffirming the statement of its President of 20 August 2003 (S/PRST/2003/13) and resolution 1502 (2003) of 26 August 2003,

Determining that the situation in Iraq, although improved, continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security,

Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,

1. Reaffirms the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq, and underscores, in that context, the temporary nature of the exercise by the Coalition Provisional Authority (Authority) of the specific responsibilities, authorities, and obligations under applicable international law recognized and set forth in resolution 1483 (2003) which will cease when an internationally recognized representative government established by the people of Iraq is sworn in and assumes the responsibilities of the Authority, inter alia through steps envisaged in paragraphs 4 through 7 and 10 below:

2. Welcomes the positive response of the international community, in form, such as the Arab League, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the United Nations General Assembly, and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, to the establishment of the broadly representative Governing Council as all important step towards an internationally recognized, representative government;

3. Supports the Governing Council's efforts to mobilize the people of Iraq, including by the appointment of a cabinet of ministers and a preparatory constitutional committee to lead a process in which the Iraqi people will progressively take control of their own affairs;

4. Determines that the Governing Council and its ministers are the principal bodies of the Iraqi interim administration, which, without prejudice to its further evolution, embodies the sovereignty of the State of Iraq during the transitional period until an internationally recognized, representative government is established and assumes the responsibilities of the Authority;

5. Affirms that the administration of Iraq will be progressively undertaken by the evolving structures of the Iraqi interim administration;

6. Calls upon the Authority, in this context, to return governing responsibilities and authorities to the people of Iraq as soon as practicable and requests the Authority, in cooperation as appropriate with the Governing Council and the Secretary-General, to report to the Council on the progress being made;

7. Invites the Governing Council to provide to the Security Council, for its review, no later than 15 December 2003, in cooperation with the Authority and, as circumstances permit, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, a timetable and a programme for the drafting of a new constitution for Iraq and for the holding of democratic elections under that constitution;

8. Resolves that the United Nations, acting through the Secretary-General, his Special Representative, and the United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq, should strengthen its vital role in Iraq, including by providing humanitarian relief, promoting the economic reconstruction of and conditions for sustainable development in Iraq, and advancing efforts to restore and establish national and local institutions for representative government;

9. Requests that, as circumstances permit, the Secretary-General pursue the course of action outlined in paragraphs 98 and 99 of the report of the Secretary-General of 17 July 2003 (S/2003/715);

10. Takes note of the intention of the Governing Council to hold a constitutional conference and, recognizing that the convening of the conference will be a milestone in the movement to the full exercise of sovereignty, calls for its preparation through national dialogue and consensus-building as soon as practicable and requests the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, at the time of the convening of the conference or, as circumstances permit, to lend the unique expertise of the United Nations to the Iraqi people in this process of political transition, including the establish establishment of electoral processes;

11. Requests the Secretary-General to ensure that the resources of the United Nations and associated organizations are available, if requested by the Iraqi Governing Council and, as circumstances permit, to assist in furtherance of the programme provided by the Governing Council in paragraph 7 above, and encourages other organizations with expertise in this area to support the Iraqi Governing Council, if requested;

12. Requests the Secret Secretary-General to report to the Security Council on his responsibilities under this resolution and the development and implementation of a timetable and programme under paragraph 7 above;

13. Determines that the provision of security and stability is essential to the successful completion of the political process as outlined in paragraph 7 above and to the ability of the United Nations to contribute effectively to that process and the implementation of resolution 1483 (2003), and authorizes a multinational force under unified command to take all necessary measures to contribute to the maintenance of security and stability in Iraq, including for the purpose of ensuring necessary conditions for the implementation of the timetable and programme as well as to contribute to the security of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq, the Governing Council of Iraq and other institutions of the Iraqi interim administration, and key humanitarian and economic infrastructure;

14. Urges Member States to contribute assistance under this United Nations inundate, including military forces, to the multinational force referred to in paragraph 13 above;

15. Decides that the Council shall review the requirements and mission of the multinational force referred to in paragraph 13 above not later than one year from the date of this resolution, and that in any case the mandate of the force shall expire upon the completion of the political process as described in paragraphs 4 through 7 and 10 above, and expresses readiness to consider on that occasion any future need for the continuation of the multinational force, taking into account the views of an internationally recognized, representative government of Iraq;

16. Emphasizes the importance of establishing effective Iraqi police and security forces in maintaining law, order, and security and combating terrorism consistent with paragraph 4 of resolution 1483 (2003), and calls upon Member States and international and regional organizations to contribute to the training and equipping of Iraqi police and security forces;

17. Expresses deep sympathy and condolences for the personal losses suffered by the Iraqi people and by the United Nations and the families of those United Nations personnel and other innocent victims who are killed or injured in these tragic attacks;

18. Unequivocally condemns the terrorist bombings of the Embassy of Jordan on 7 August 2003, of the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad on 19 August 2003, and of the Imam Ali Mosque in Najaf on 29 August 2003, and of the Embassy of Turkey on 14 October 2003, the murder of a Spanish diplomat on 9 October 2003, and the assassination of Dr. Akila al-Hashimi, who died on 25 September 2003, and emphasizes that those responsible must be brought to justice;

19. Calls upon Member States to prevent the transit of terrorist to Iraq, arms for terrorists, and financing that would support terrorists, and emphasizes the importance of strengthening the cooperation of the countries of the region, particularly neighbours of Iraq, in this regard;

20. Appeals to Member States and the international financial institutions to strengthen their efforts to assist the people of Iraq in the reconstruction and development of their economy, and urges those institutions to take immediate steps to provide their full range of loans and other financial assistance to Iraq, Working with the Governing Council and appropriate Iraqi ministries;

21. Urges Member States and international and regional organizations to support the Iraq reconstruction effort initiated at the 24 June 2003 United Nations Technical Consultations, including through substantial pledges at the 23-24 October 2003 International Donors Conference in Madrid;

22. Calls upon Member States and concerned organizations to help meet the needs of the Iraqi people by providing resources necessary for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Iraq's economic infrastructure;

23. Emphasizes that the International Advisory and Monitoring Board IAMB referred to in paragraph 12 of resolution 1483 (2003) should be established as a priority, and reiterates that the Development Fund for Iraq shall be used in a transparent manner as set out in paragraph 14 of resolution 1483 (2003);

24. Reminds all Member States of their obligations under paragraphs 19 and 23 of resolution 1483 (2003) in particular the obligation to immediately cause the transfer of funds, other financial assets and economic resources to the Development Fund for Iraq for the benefit of the Iraqi people;

25. Requests that the United States, on behalf of the multinational force as outlined in paragraph 13 above, report to the Security Council on the efforts and progress of this force as appropriate and not less than every six months;

26. Decides to remain seized of the matter.

(end text)

Text of the UNSC Resolution 1511, 16 October 2003
<http://www.usembassy.it/file2003_10/alia/a3101603.htm>

UN Backs Iraq Resolution

The UN Security Council has voted unanimously in favour of a revised US text setting out Iraq's political future

The resolution preserves the dominant role for the US-led administration, but calls upon it to transfer sovereignty and government back to the Iraqi people "as soon as practicable".

The outcome of the vote, after weeks of wrangling, will be hailed by some as a victory for American diplomacy, says the BBC's Greg Barrow at the UN.

An announcement shortly before the vote confirmed France, Germany and Russia - leading critics of the US-led war on Iraq - would back the amended text, ending speculation they might abstain altogether.

But continuing concerns about the text mean they will not contribute troops or funds to the reconstruction effort.

However, US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said he believed the resolution would have a favourable effect on some countries that may be considering sending troops to Iraq.

The BBC's Nick Childs says the Pentagon will need to know soon what extra foreign forces it may be able to count on as it hopes that they could replace the US Army's 101st Airborne Division, which is due to leave Iraq in February or March.

If foreign troops are not forthcoming, the US military planners will have to switch to a back-up plan involving new American forces amid growing concerns about troops' morale, our correspondent says.

The resolution was also backed by Syria, representing the Arab world on the Security Council.

UN Secretary General Kofi Annan welcomed the vote, saying the Security Council's common objective was to restore sovereignty to Iraq as quickly as possible.

US Secretary of State Colin Powell said the mutual goal was to help the Iraqi people.

He said he hoped the new resolution would lead to more foreign troops and money being offered to assist in the rebuilding of Iraq, although he indicated he did not expect any major financial contribution from France, Germany and Russia.

The resolution is a compromise but "there are more pluses than minuses", Russia's UN ambassador, Sergei Lavrov, told the Security Council after the vote.

France's UN Ambassador Jean-Marc de La Sabliere said France wanted to make unity in the council "a priority".

“Our common objective is to restore peace and stability to a sovereign, democratic and independent Iraq as quickly as possible”
UN Secretary General Kofi Annan

Doubters

The shift began on Wednesday and was confirmed after the leaders of France, Germany and Russia discussed the US text and agreed that it went just far enough to win their votes.

The three dissenters had been pushing Washington for concessions on the text which is aimed at winning broad international backing for the reconstruction of Iraq.

The vote was delayed from Wednesday after Russia insisted on the last-minute discussions with its allies.

China - another veto-wielding member of the council - had also been unenthusiastic about the US resolution, which was proposed with the support of the UK, Spain and Cameroon.

But Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing said on Thursday that the amendments made the text more acceptable

No Big Changes

The broad shape of the resolution that was put to the vote has not changed dramatically

The resolution confirms that for the time being the Coalition Provisional Authority will remain the over-arching power in Iraq, although it stresses that the transfer of sovereignty and government back to the Iraqi people will happen as soon as practicable.

The United Nations is promised a strengthened vital role in the political and economic reconstruction process, but only as circumstances, particularly security, permit.

Still missing is a clear timetable, with dates, for a transfer of power and anything like the more dominant role that the UN had sought, our correspondent says.

But the resolution asks Iraqi leaders to draw up a plan for a new constitution and elections by 15 December.

The three dissenting countries had raised concerns about the role the United Nations would play in the political settlement in Iraq, as well as about the mandate of a future international peacekeeping force.

16 October 2003

<http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/3197688.stm>

UNSC Resolution 1518 (2003) [Text]

Adopted by the Security Council at its 4872nd meeting, on 24 November 2003

The Security Council,

Recalling all of its previous relevant resolutions,
           Recalling further its earlier decision in resolution 1483 (2003) of 22 May 2003 to terminate the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 661 (1990),
          Stressing the importance of all Member States fulfilling their obligations under paragraph 10 of resolution 1483 (2003),
           Determining that the situation in Iraq, although improved, continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security,
          Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,

1.          Decides to establish, with immediate effect, in accordance with rule 28 of its provisional rules of procedure, a Committee of the Security Council, consisting of all the members of the Council, to continue to identify pursuant to paragraph 19 of resolution 1483 (2003) individuals and entities referred to in paragraph 19 of that resolution, including by updating the list of individuals and entities that have already been identified by the Committee established pursuant to paragraph 6 of resolution 661 (1990), and to report on its work to the Council;
2.         Decides to adopt the guidelines (reference SC/7791 IK/365 of 12 June 2003) and definitions (reference SC/7831 IK/372 of 29 July 2003) previously agreed by the Committee established pursuant to paragraph 6 of resolution 661 (1990), to implement the provisions of paragraphs 19 and 23 of resolution 1483 (2003), and further decides that the guidelines and definitions can be amended by the Committee in light of further considerations;
3.          Decides that the mandate of the Committee referred to in paragraph 1 above will be kept under review and to consider the possible authorization of the additional task of observing Member States’ fulfillment of their obligations under paragraph 10 of resolution 1483 (2003);
4.          Decides to remain seized of the matter.

Text of UNSC Resolution 1518, 24 November 2003
<http://ods-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N03/631/01/PDF/N0363101.pdf?
OpenElement>

UN Rules out Poll Before Iraq Handover

UN Secretary General Kofi Annan says it is not feasible to hold elections in Iraq before the United States hands over power at the end of June.

But he said the transfer of power to an interim Iraqi administration should go ahead as planned by the end of June.

The US wants to create an interim Iraqi government using caucus-style voting, but the majority Shia have called for direct elections.

A UN team has been in Iraq to assess whether elections would be feasible.

Mr Annan said the United Nations was working on recommendations on how to form an interim government until elections can be held.

He said he had put forward these viewpoints at a meeting with more than 40 delegations at the UN, attended by Lakhdar Brahimi who headed the UN's envoy to Iraq.

"We shared with them our sense of the emerging consensus or understanding that elections cannot be held before the end of June," he said.

Widespread Criticism

Mr Annan's comments back the United States position on elections in Iraq.

The UN had been asked by the White House to come up with proposals for Iraq's political future after the leader of the Shia Muslims, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, objected to its plans.

"We hope that as we move forward, we'll be able to work with the Iraqis and the coalition to find a mechanism for establishing a caretaker or interim government until such time as elections are organised," said Mr Annan.

But he did not give any details on what those mechanisms might be when he talked to reporters on Thursday.

Paul Bremer, chief US administrator for Iraq, earlier confirmed that the date of 30 June for the handover of power would still hold.

He said that although the formula for setting up a new Iraqi government might change, the date would remain firm.

Washington had wanted regional meetings to select a new government, which in turn would draft a constitution - with elections postponed until at least the end of 2005.

But the plans were met with widespread criticism, particularly from the Shias who insisted that direct elections were the only way forward.

19 February 2004
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3504335.stm>

Text: Iraqi Interim Constitution

The following is a summary of the Iraqi interim constitution - signed on 8 March 2004 - as provided by the Iraqi Governing Council:

The Transitional Administrative Law will be the Supreme Law of Iraq, during the transitional period.

It will expire once a government is elected under a permanent constitution and takes office.

This will happen no later than 31 December 2005.

The transitional period will consist of two phases:

Phase I: On 30 June 2004, an Iraqi Interim Government will be vested with full sovereignty, and the Coalition Provisional Authority will dissolve.

This Iraqi government will be formed through a process of widespread consultation with the Iraqi people and will govern according to the Transitional Administrative Law and an annex to be issued before the beginning of the transitional period.

Phase II: The Iraqi Transitional Government will take office after elections for the National Assembly.

These elections will take place as soon as possible, but no later than 31 January 2005.

The Fundamental Principles of the Law include the following:

· The system of government in Iraq will be republican, federal, democratic, and pluralistic. Federalism will be based on geography, history, and the separation of powers and not on ethnicity or sect.

· The Iraqi Armed Forces will fall under the control of Iraq's civilian political leadership.

· Islam will be the official religion of the state and will be considered a source of legislation. The law will respect the Islamic identity of the majority of the Iraqi people and guarantee the freedom of religious belief and practice.

· Arabic and Kurdish will be the official languages of Iraq.

Equal Rights

The people of Iraq are sovereign and free.

All Iraqis are equal in their rights and without regard to gender, nationality, religion, or ethnic origin and they are equal before the law.

Those unjustly deprived of their citizenship by previous Iraqi regimes will have the right to reclaim their citizenship.

The government will respect the rights of the people, including the rights:

· To freedom of thought, conscience, and expression.

· To assemble peaceably and to associate and organise freely.

· To justice; to a fair, speedy, and open trial and to the presumption of innocence.

· To vote, according to law, in free, fair, competitive and periodic elections.

· To file grievances against officials when these rights have been violated.

Checks and Balances

The Transitional Iraqi Government will contain checks, balances, and the separation of powers.

The federal government will have the exclusive right to exercise sovereign power in a number of critical areas, including the management and control of the following:

· National security policy; independent militias shall be prohibited.

· Foreign policy, diplomatic representation, and border control.

· National fiscal, monetary and commercial policy.

· National resources; revenues from which must be spent on the needs of all of Iraq's regions in an equitable manner.
The Transitional Legislative Authority will be vested in a National Assembly, which will pass laws and help select and oversee the work of the executive authority.

The National Assembly will be freely elected by the people of Iraq, under an electoral system designed to achieve representation of women of at least one-quarter of its members, as well as fair representation of all of Iraq's communities.

President

The Transitional Executive Authority will consist of the presidency and the council of ministers, including the prime minister.

· The Presidency Council will consist of the president and two deputy presidents, and will be elected by the National Assembly as a group. The Presidency Council will represent the sovereignty of Iraq, may veto laws, and make appointments. All decisions of the Presidency Council will be taken unanimously.

· The Presidency Council will nominate the prime minister and, on the recommendation of the prime minister, will also nominate the Council of Ministers. All ministers will need to be confirmed in a vote of confidence by the National Assembly.

· The prime minister and the council of ministers will oversee the day-to-day management of the government.
The Federal Judicial Authority will be independent.

A Federal Supreme Court will be created to hear judicial appeals and to ensure that all laws in Iraq are consistent with the Transitional Administrative Law.

It will consist of nine members, who will be appointed by the Presidency Council upon the recommendation of an impartial Higher Judicial Council.

Regional Government

Federalism and local government will ensure a unified Iraq and prevent the concentration of power in the central government that enabled decades of tyranny and oppression.

This will encourage the exercise of local authority in which all citizens are able to participate actively in political life.

· The Kurdistan Regional Government will be recognised as an official regional government within a unified Iraq, and will continue to exercise many of the functions it currently exercises. Groups of governorates elsewhere in Iraq will be permitted to form regions, and take on additional authorities.

· The governorates will have governors and governorate councils, in addition to municipal, local, and city councils as appropriate.

· All authorities not reserved to the federal government may be exercised as appropriate by the governorates and the Kurdistan Regional Government.

· Elections for governorate councils throughout Iraq, and also for the Kurdistan National Assembly will be held at the same time as elections for the National Assembly, no later than 31 January 2005
Iraq's security will be defended by Iraqi Armed Forces, working together with the Coalition. Consistent with Iraq's sovereign status, the Iraqi Armed Forces will play a leading role as a partner in the multinational force helping to bring security to Iraq in the transitional period.

The Iraqi Transitional Government will also have the authority to negotiate a security agreement with Coalition forces.

The National Assembly will be responsible for drafting the permanent constitution. After consulting with the Iraqi people and completing a draft, the proposed constitution will be submitted to the public in a referendum, which will occur no later than 15 October 2005.

If the constitution is adopted, elections for a new government under the constitution will be held, and the new government will take office no later than 31 December 2005.

8 March 2004
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3543237.stm>

Muslim Nations Ponder Iraq Force

Islamic nations have said they could contribute troops to Iraq if the UN takes charge of the operation

The offer was made by officials from about 20 of the Muslim countries attending an emergency summit in Putrajaya, Malaysia.

Members agreed Iraq could not be stabilised without a bigger role for the UN; Indonesia and Pakistan, among others, offered troops to back the UN.

Speakers at the summit also attacked US policy towards Iraq and Israel.

Delegates at the one-day meeting said the UN Security Council must pass a resolution which empowered the UN to oversee Iraq's transition to sovereignty.

"Peace, security and stability in Iraq could be secured and guaranteed through... the Iraqi people expressive their legitimate rights, including the right to free and fair elections," said a statement produced by the body.

UN Force

The BBC's Jonathan Kent in Kuala Lumpur said the meeting avoided direct criticism of the US for civilian deaths incurred during its assaults against Iraqi insurgents.

But it still accused the US of displaying a casual disregard for the safety of ordinary Iraqis.

Indonesia, Malaysia and Pakistan indicated they would consider sending peacekeepers to the Arab state if they were part of a UN force.

America's recent endorsement of a unilateral Israeli plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip, while consolidating West Bank settlements, was also heavily criticised.

Summit delegates concluded the US move would derail the peace process by "denying the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people".

22 April 2004
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/3651003.stm>

Iraq's Interim Cabinet Sworn in

Iraq's new interim government has been sworn in at a ceremony in Baghdad, to begin the task of preparing the country for elections in January next year.

It will begin taking up its powers at once, after a surprise decision by the Governing Council, formed last July, to dissolve itself with immediate effect.

The changes took place within hours of Ghazi Yawer being named as president.

President Bush praised the new interim government saying it had the "talent" to guide Iraq over the next months.

Significant Victory

Both Mr Yawer and interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi were the favoured candidates of the Iraqi Governing Council.

The swearing-in of the interim administration follows days of wrangling between the council and American officials in Iraq.

The US officials, along with UN envoy Lakhdar Brahimi, preferred veteran Sunni politician Adnan Pachachi to take over the largely ceremonial role of president.

Earlier reports said Mr Pachachi, an ex-Foreign Minister, had been chosen as president but had declined the job, reportedly because he had little backing among his fellow council members.

BBC Middle East analyst Roger Hardy says that in the three-way tussle between the council, the chief US administrator Paul Bremer and the UN special envoy, the council has proved remarkably successful in getting its way.

US Praise

In the first reaction by a senior US official, National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice said the formation of an interim Iraqi government was a "positive step for the future of a free Iraq".

Her comments were later echoed by US Secretary of State Colin Powell who said it was "a good day for the Iraqi people" and that President George W Bush's five-point plan for Iraq was now unfolding.

He denied any rift between the IGC and US-led coalition, saying it had not been a case of each side wanting a different candidate.

Mr Powell said the important thing was that the Iraqi people had been allowed to make their own choice and that the US had been gratified to see so many capable candidates vying for the top jobs

Coalition Future

At the swearing-in ceremony, Mr Yawer said his goal was to make Iraq one nation, "without murderers and criminals".

He said he wanted a pluralistic, democratic and federal Iraq that would live in peace and co-operation with its neighbours

Mr Yawer is a US-educated civil engineer and tribal leader who has recently criticised the way the US has handled security in Iraq.

Mr Allawi for his part said that while he wanted the US occupation of Iraq to end as soon as possible, for now coalition forces would remain in place.

He expressed gratitude for what the coalition forces had done thus far in Iraq, saying "We will need the participation of the multinational forces to help in defeating the enemies of Iraq".

Text Box:
“IRAQ SELF-RULE TIMETABLE
· 30 June: Handover from Coalition Provisional Authority to interim government
· End of Jan 2005: Elections to National Assembly
· Autumn 2005: New constitution voted on in referendum
· December 2005: Full elections for new government
· January 2006: Directly elected government takes office “

Continuing Unrest

The full handover of power to the Iraqis is scheduled to take place on 30 June, a day which Mr Allawi said would be a major step in creating a new, sovereign Iraq.

BBC News Online world affairs correspondent Paul Reynolds says that the interim government has turned out to be a more political body than the government of technocrats originally proposed by Mr Brahimi.

This reflects, our correspondent says, a feeling that Iraq needs some leadership at this moment. Some of the government's key figures are from the Governing Council which has exerted its influence in the negotiations.

The dramatic political developments came as a series of blasts were heard in the centre of Baghdad.

Witnesses said a car bomb exploded near the headquarters of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan Party, close to the Iraqi foreign ministry.

There are conflicting reports about the number of casualties - latest reports say three people have died, and more than 30 were injured, but earlier, at least 10 people were said to have been killed.

Witnesses also said at least four mortars had been fired at the headquarters of the US-led coalition in the so-called Green Zone.

And the US military announced the death of a US soldier from the First Marine Expeditionary Force, who was killed during an operation in Anbar province, western Iraq, on 31st May.

1 June 2004
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/3766395.stm

Full Text of Iraqi PM's Address

Iraq's new interim government has been sworn in at a ceremony in Baghdad, as the US-led coalition prepares for the transition of power on 30 June.

It is my pleasure to meet you on this historical occasion in which Iraq is witnessing an important event, that is the announcement of the formation of the transitional government and the beginning of the implementation of its decisions. Everything the Iraqis have been struggling for has become a reality. Having a national government enjoying full sovereignty is a step towards a state of law and order, reforming the country, preparing for democratic life with the aim of honest and decent elections.

That's why our government will focus on implementing all the special arrangements to transfer full sovereignty to Iraq on 30 June this year.

And we have asked our brother - the minister of foreign affairs - to go immediately to New York at the head of a delegation to work with the UN Security Council members and pass a resolution transferring full sovereignty to Iraqis.

'Defeat Iraq's Enemies'

We Iraqis are just like the rest of the peoples in the world, we don't want our country to remain under occupation.

We are seeking to be able to deal in the best possible way with the terrorism and security threats by ourselves but because of the situation prevailing it appears to be impossible and we will need the help and support of the multinational forces to defeat the enemies of Iraq, who don't want stability, freedom and prosperity for us.

And Iraq, God willing, will be a major partner in this force which will start its mission after 30 June and we will kick-off negotiations with our allies to arrange security agreements for the interest of Iraq based on the premise of full Iraqi sovereignty.

And when it has accomplished this mission successfully, the multinational force will leave Iraq with our deep gratitude.

'Shunning Hatred'

We would like to express our extreme gratitude and appreciation to the coalition led by the United States and all those who have made painful sacrifices for the liberation of Iraq.

And while we are remembering the crimes committed by Saddam and his regime against the Iraqi people and the ugly damage he caused to this generous people, we must look to the future with trust and confidence to build a real national unity based on shunning hatred and revenge and spreading brotherhood, forgiveness.

...[We must] advance in building a society led by the principle of law and cherishing justice and have equality and freedom and respect for human rights, and also stop the bloodshed in order to build an advanced civilised Iraq that Iraqis would live in happily.

And we also have the mission of transferring full sovereignty to Iraqis. To that purpose our government will strive for Iraq to be peaceful and stable and co-exist constructively with its neighbours, promoting security and progress for the people in the region.

That's why our government will give special attention to developing its own ability to have interior security institutions and national police to guarantee peace and stability.

And we must begin to form a national army that does not interfere in internal affairs, defending the country against any outside aggression, responsible before the constitution, legal and executive institutions of this country.

'Good Life'

Based on this, we will work on increasing and improving the salaries and living conditions for the troops and to increase the pensions given for retired servicemen.

To guarantee a good life for these brothers, we will work on re-integrating some of them in the civil service.

Improving the economy, solving unemployment problems, dealing with inflation, improving the level of the Iraqi dinar, boosting purchasing power and renovating the infrastructure, improving the electricity, water and sewage networks will also be among the main goals of our government.

Text Of Iraqi PM's Address,1 June 2004
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/3767521.stm>

Interim Iraqi Government [Cabinet]

BBC News Online looks at the Iraqis chosen to form Iraq's interim government, scheduled to take power from 30 June.

President: Ghazi Yawer

Ghazi Yawer is a civil engineer, businessman and tribal leader from the northern town of Mosul. He currently holds the rotating presidency in the US-appointed Iraqi Governing Council.

The 45-year-old US-educated moderate Sunni and former exile has strong ties to Washington, but has been sharply critical of the coalition.

Prime Minister: Iyad Allawi

Iyad Allawi is the leader of the Iraqi National Accord, a group formed by Iraqi exiles, many former Baath Party members who had fled the country.

Born in 1945 to a prominent Shia Muslim merchant family, he trained as a neurologist. Mr Allawi is seen as being historically close to the US, particularly the CIA, although he has been critical of the US-led coalition in recent months.

Vice Presidents
Ibrahim Jaafari:
Ibrahim Jaafari is a spokesman for the Islamic Daawa Party, one of the two main Shia parties in Iraq.
He is a member of the Governing Council and is also one of the members to hold the council's rotating presidency. He was born in Karbala and graduated from Mosul university.
Rowsch Shaways:
Rowsch Shaways is president of the Kurdish National Assembly and a member of the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP).

Ministers

Deputy Prime Minister for National Security: Barham Saleh, prime minister of Kurdish regional government and member of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK).

Foreign Minister: Hoshyar Zebari of the KDP will stay in his current position of foreign minister. Raised in Mosul, he was KDP foreign affairs spokesman in the 1990s and represented the party in the US and UK. Educated in the UK (University of Essex) and Jordan.

Finance Minister: Adil Abdel-Mahdi, senior official in Sciri, one of the two main Shia parties.

Defence Minister: Hazem Shalan al-Khuzaei

Interior Minister: Falah Hassan al-Naqib

Minister of Oil: Thamir Ghadbhan is promoted from adviser to the Oil Ministry.

Minister of Justice: Malik Dohan al-Hassan, a Sunni Muslim, president of the Iraqi Bar Association and head of the task force on compensation for victims of the former regime.

Minister of Human Rights: Bakhityar Amin, human rights expert, born in Kirkuk, educated in France and Sweden.

Minister of Electricity: Ayham al-Samarrai, Iraqi Independent Democrats, remains in current position.

A Sunni Muslim and close associate of Adnan Pachachi, he was active in the exile community in the US.

Minister of Health: Alaa Abdessaheb al-Alwan, former World Health Organisation official

Minister of Communication: Mohammed Ali Hakim, thought to be related to Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, head of Sciri and a member of the IGC.

Minister of Housing: Omar Farouk

Minister of Public Works: Nesreen Mustafa Berwari, Harvard-educated former minister of reconstruction and development in the Kurdish regional government led by the KDP. She has also worked for the UNHCR and other UN agencies in Kurdish northern Iraq.

Minister of Science and Technology: Rashad Mandan Omar, a Sunni Muslim and a Turkmen, originally from Kirkuk, retains his current position. An engineer, he has spent the last five years working on airport construction in Dubai.

Minister of Planning: Mahdi al-Hafez, Iraqi Independent Democrats, a Shia Muslim and Iraqi ambassador to the UN 1978-80. He has also worked in the oil ministry, as a UN regional adviser and as head of the Cairo-based Arab Economic Research Association.

Minister of Trade: Mohammed al-Joubri

Minister of Sport and Youth: Ali Faik Alghaban, a Shia Muslim and Sciri supporter

Minister of Transportation: Louei Hatim Sultan al-Aris

Minister of Provincial Affairs: Wael Abdel-Latif, Shia, elected Basra governor by interim local council in July last year, former IGC member, civil and criminal lawyer disbarred and imprisoned by Saddam Hussein.

Minister of Women's Affairs: Nermin Othman

Minister of Immigration and Refugees: Pascal Esho Warda

Minister of Irrigation: Latif Rashid, former PUK spokesman in London, maintains his existing position.

Minister of Labour: Leila Abdul-Latif

Minister of Education: Sami Mudahfar, promoted from deputy minister, former president of Baghdad University and one of Iraq's most senior biochemists.

Minister of Higher Education: Tahir al-Bakaa

Minister of Agriculture: Sawsan Sherif, promoted from deputy minister.

Educated at Baghdad and Iowa universities, she has also worked for the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation.

Minister of Culture: Mufid Mohammad Jawad al-Jazairi, Iraqi Communist Party, Shia Muslim, maintains his existing position. Worked as a journalist for Czechoslovak radio in the 60s and 70s but returned to Iraq in the 1980s.

Minister of Industry: Hajim al-Hassani

Minister of State: Qassim Dawoud

Minister of State: Mamu Farham Othman Pirali

Minister of State: Adnan al-Janabi

1 June 2004
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/3766401.stm>

Iraq Plan Gets Unanimous Backing

The United Nations Security Council has unanimously approved a revised US-UK resolution on Iraq's future

The vote in the 15-member council came after countries that had voiced reservations about earlier versions expressed backing for the latest draft.

The resolution sets out the powers and constraints for the new interim Iraqi government, due to take over power from the US-led coalition on 30 June.

President Bush welcomed the vote as a "great victory for the Iraqi people".

UK Prime Minister Tony Blair described the resolution as "a milestone for the new Iraq", while Russian President Vladimir Putin said it was "a major step forward" for the Iraqi people.

“[The vote] showed we stand side-by-side with the Iraqi people” George W Bush

The French Ambassador to the UN, Jean-Marc De Sabliere, said it was important that "the political process continues in Iraq", stressing that it was now "up to the Iraqi government to win the confidence of the Iraqi people".

One sticking point was the issue of an Iraqi veto on US-led military action.

The agreed resolution stresses the new government will assume full sovereignty when it takes power.

It will have the power to send home the US-led foreign troops - although that is not expected to happen.

But the government does not have the explicit power to veto individual military operations.

The BBC's Jon Leyne, at the UN, says the unanimous vote is the clearest sign of a new-found unity in the international community over this most divisive issue.

The resolution 1546/2004 also:

states that by 30 June 2004 the occupation will end, the Coalition Provisional Authority will cease to exist
envisages direct democratic elections to a Transitional National Assembly no later than 31 January 2005
provides for full partnership between Iraqi forces and the multinational force
firmly place[s] Iraqi security forces under Iraqi control

'Sensitive Operations'

The vote came a day after London and Washington agreed to include more details about the relationship between the new Iraqi government and US-led forces - after two weeks of intense discussions.

The French and Germans wanted the document to say that the consent of the Iraqis would be required for sensitive military operations.

The Americans and British would not go this far - but the resolution included references to a full partnership.

It says future Iraqi governments will be consulted on "the full range of fundamental security and policy issues, including policy on sensitive offensive operations".

The resolution still does not spell out who will have the last say on the issue, although Washington has repeatedly stated that its troops in Iraq would be under American control, the BBC's Susannah Price in New York says.

Iraqi Input

Shortly before the vote, Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari told the BBC that the new resolution would allow for closer co-operation on key security issues.

"What we are talking about here is really major offensive military operations that would have serious political consequences like Falluja," he told Radio Four's Today programme.

"We believe that we as Iraqis understand the situation better on the ground."

8 June 2004
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3788607.stm

Full Text: UN Resolution 1546

The following is the text of the US and British resolution on the future of Iraq, passed by the UN Security Council on Tuesday 8 June 2004: (BBC)
Adopted by the Security Council at its 4987th meeting, on 8 June 2004

The Security Council,

- Welcoming the beginning of a new phase in Iraq's transition to a democratically elected government, and looking forward to the end of the occupation and the assumption of full responsibility and authority by a fully sovereign and independent Interim Government of Iraq by 30 June 2004.

- Recalling all of its previous relevant resolutions on Iraq.

- Reaffirming the independence, sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of Iraq.

- Reaffirming the right of the Iraqi people freely to determine their own political future and control their own natural resources.

- Recognising the importance of international support, particularly that of countries in the region, Iraq's neighbours, and regional organisations, for the people of Iraq in their efforts to achieve security and prosperity, and noting that the successful implementation of this resolution will contribute to regional stability.

- Welcoming the efforts of the Special Advisor to the Secretary-General to assist the people of Iraq in achieving the formation of the Interim Government of Iraq, as set out in the letter of the Secretary-General of 1/88 3/8 June 2004.

- Taking note of the dissolution of the Governing Council of Iraq, and welcoming the progress made in implementing the arrangements for Iraq's political transition referred to in resolution 1511 (2003) of 16 October 2003.

- Welcoming the commitment of the Interim Government of Iraq to work towards a federal, democratic, pluralist and unified Iraq, in which there is full respect for political and human rights.

- Stressing the need for all parties to respect and protect Iraq's archaeological, historical, cultural and religious heritage, Affirming the importance of the rule of law, respect for human rights including the rights of women, fundamental freedoms, and democracy including free and fair elections.

- Recalling the establishment of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) on 14 August 2003, and affirming that the United Nations should play a leading role in assisting the Iraqi people and government in the formation of institutions for representative government.

- Recognising that international support for restoration of stability and security is essential to the well-being of the people of Iraq as well as to the ability of all concerned to carry out their work on behalf of the people of Iraq, and welcoming Member State contributions in this regard under resolution 1483 (2003) of 22 May 2003 and resolution 1511 (2003).

- Recalling the report provided by the United States to the Security Council on 16 April 2004 on the efforts and progress made by the multinational force.

- Recognising the request conveyed in the letter of 5 June 2004 from the Prime Minister of the Interim Government of Iraq to the President of the Council, which is annexed to this resolution, to retain the presence of the multinational force.

- Recognising also the importance of the consent of the sovereign Government of Iraq for the presence of the multinational force and of close coordination between the multinational force and that government.

- Welcoming the willingness of the multinational force to continue efforts to contribute to the maintenance of security and stability in Iraq in support of the political transition, especially for upcoming elections, and to provide security for the UN presence in Iraq, as described in the letter of 5 June 2004 from the United States Secretary of State to the President of the Council, which is annexed to this resolution.

- Noting the commitment of all forces promoting the maintenance of security and stability in Iraq to act in accordance with international law, including obligations under international humanitarian law, and cooperate with relevant international organisations.

- Affirming the importance of international assistance in reconstruction and development of the Iraqi economy.

- Recognising the benefits to Iraq of the immunities and privileges enjoyed by Iraqi oil revenues and by the Development Fund for Iraq, and noting the importance of providing for continued disbursements of this fund by the Interim Government of Iraq and its successors upon dissolution of the Coalition Provisional Authority.

- Determining that the situation in Iraq continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security.

- Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations:

1. Endorses the formation of a sovereign Interim Government of Iraq, as presented on 1 June 2004, which will assume full responsibility and authority by 30 June 2004 for governing Iraq while refraining from taking any actions affecting Iraq's destiny beyond the limited interim period until an elected Transitional Government of Iraq assumes office as envisaged in paragraph four below;

2. Welcomes that, also by 30 June 2004, the occupation will end and the Coalition Provisional Authority will cease to exist, and that Iraq will reassert its full sovereignty;

3. Reaffirms the right of the Iraqi people freely to determine their own political future and to exercise full authority and control over their financial and natural resources;

4. Endorses the proposed timetable for Iraq's political transition to democratic government including:

(a) formation of the sovereign Interim Government of Iraq that will assume governing responsibility and authority by 30 June 2004;

(b) convening of a national conference reflecting the diversity of Iraqi society; and

(c) holding of direct democratic elections by 31 December 2004 if possible, and in no case later than 31 January 2005, to a Transitional National Assembly, which will, inter alia, have responsibility for forming a Transitional Government of Iraq and drafting a permanent constitution for Iraq leading to a constitutionally-elected government by 31 December 2005;

5. Invites the Government of Iraq to consider how the convening of an international meeting could support the above process, and notes that it would welcome such a meeting to support the Iraqi political transition and Iraqi recovery, to the benefit of the Iraqi people, and in the interest of stability in the region.

6. Calls on all Iraqis to implement these arrangements peaceably and in full, and on all States and relevant organisations to support such implementation.

7. Decides that in implementing, as circumstances permit, their mandate to assist the Iraqi people and government, the Special Representative of the Secretary General and the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), as requested by the Government of Iraq, shall:

(a) play a leading role to: (i) assist in the convening, during the month of July 2004, of a national conference to select a Consultative Council; (ii) advise and support the Interim Government of Iraq, the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq, and the Transitional National Assembly on the process for holding elections; (iii) promote national dialogue and consensus-building on the drafting of a national constitution by the people of Iraq;

(b) and also: (i) advise the Government of Iraq in the development of effective civil and social services; (ii) contribute to the coordination and delivery of reconstruction, development, and humanitarian assistance; (iii) promote the protection of human rights, national reconciliation, and judicial and legal reform in order to strengthen the rule of law in Iraq; and (iv) advise and assist the Government of Iraq on initial planning for the eventual conduct of a comprehensive census.

8. Welcomes ongoing efforts by the incoming Interim Government of Iraq to develop Iraqi security forces, including the Iraqi armed forces, operating under the authority of the Interim Government of Iraq and its successors, which will progressively play a greater role and ultimately assume full responsibility for the maintenance of security and stability in Iraq;

9. Notes that the presence of the multinational force in Iraq is at the request of the incoming Interim Government of Iraq and therefore reaffirms the authorisation for the multinational force under unified command established under resolution 1511 (2003) having regard to the letters annexed to this resolution;

10. Decides that the multinational force shall have the authority to take all necessary measures to contribute to the maintenance of security and stability in Iraq in accordance with the letters annexed to this resolution expressing, inter alia, the Iraqi request for the continued presence of the multinational force and setting out its tasks, including by preventing and deterring terrorism, so that, inter alia, the United Nations can fulfil its role in assisting the Iraqi people as outlined in paragraph seven above and the Iraqi people can implement freely and without intimidation the timetable and program for the political process and benefit from reconstruction and rehabilitation activities;

11. Welcomes in this regard the letters annexed to this resolution stating, inter alia, that arrangements are being put in place to establish a security partnership between the multinational force and the sovereign Government of Iraq and to ensure co-ordination between the two, and noting also in this regard that Iraqi security forces are responsible to appropriate Iraqi ministers, that the Government of Iraq has authority to commit Iraqi security forces to the multinational force to engage in operations with it, and that the security structures described in the letters will serve as the fora for the multinational force and Iraqi government to reach agreement on the full range of fundamental security and policy issues, including policy on sensitive offensive operations, and will ensure full partnership between Iraqi forces and the multinational force, through close co-ordination and consultation;

12. Decides further that the mandate for the multinational force shall be reviewed at the request of the Government of Iraq or twelve months from the date of this resolution, and that this mandate shall expire upon the completion of the political process set out in paragraph four above, and declares that it will terminate this mandate earlier if requested by the Government of Iraq;

13. Notes the intention, set out in the annexed letter from the United States Secretary of State, to create a distinct entity under unified command of the multinational force with a dedicated mission to provide security for the UN presence in Iraq, recognises that the implementation of measures to provide security for staff members of the United Nations system working in Iraq would require significant resources, and calls upon Member States and relevant organisations to provide such resources, including contributions to that entity;

14. Recognises that the multinational force will also assist in building the capability of the Iraqi security forces and institutions, through a program of recruitment, training, equipping, mentoring and monitoring;

15. Requests Member States and international and regional organisations to contribute assistance to the multinational force, including military forces, as agreed with the Government of Iraq, to help meet the needs of the Iraqi people for security and stability, humanitarian and reconstruction assistance, and to support the efforts of UNAMI;

16. Emphasises the importance of developing effective Iraqi police, border enforcement, and Facilities Protection Service, under the control of the Interior Ministry of Iraq, and, in the case of the Facilities Protection Service, other Iraqi ministries, for the maintenance of law, order, and security, including combating terrorism, and requests Member States and international organisations to assist the Government of Iraq in building the capability of these Iraqi institutions;

17. Condemns all acts of terrorism in Iraq, reaffirms the obligations of Member States under resolutions 1373 (2001) of 28 September 2001, 1267 (1999) 15 October 1999, 1333 (2000) of 19 December 2000, 1390 (2002) of 16 January 2002, 1455 (2003) of 17 January 2003, and 1526 (2004) of 30 January 2004, and other relevant international obligations with respect, inter alia, to terrorist activities in and from Iraq or against its citizens, and specifically reiterates its call upon Member States to prevent the transit of terrorists to and from Iraq, arms for terrorists, and financing that would support terrorists, and re-emphasises the importance of strengthening the cooperation of the countries of the region, particularly neighbours of Iraq, in this regard;

18. Recognises that the Interim Government of Iraq will assume the primary role in coordinating international assistance to Iraq;

19. Welcomes efforts by Member States and international organisations to respond in support of requests by the Interim Government of Iraq to provide technical and expert assistance, while Iraq is rebuilding administrative capacity;

20. Reiterates its request that Member States, international financial institutions and other organisations strengthen their efforts to assist the people of Iraq in the reconstruction and development of the Iraqi economy, including by providing international experts and necessary resources through a coordinated program of donor assistance;

21. Decides that the prohibitions related to the sale or supply to Iraq of arms and related materiel under previous resolutions shall not apply to arms or related materiel required by the Government of Iraq or the multinational force to serve the purposes of this resolution, stresses the importance for all States to abide strictly by them, and notes the significance of Iraq's neighbours in this regard, and calls upon the Government of Iraq and the multinational force each to ensure that appropriate implementation procedures are in place;

22. Notes that nothing in the preceding paragraph affects the prohibitions on or obligations of States related to items specified in paragraphs 8 and 12 of resolution 687 (1991) of 3 April 1991 or activities described in paragraph 3(f) of resolution 707 (1991) of 15 August 1991, and reaffirms its intention to revisit the mandates of the United Nations Monitoring, Verification, and Inspection Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency;

23. Calls on Member States and international organisations to respond to Iraqi requests to assist Iraqi efforts to integrate Iraqi veterans and former militia members into Iraqi society;

24. Notes that, upon dissolution of the Coalition Provisional Authority, the funds in the Development Fund for Iraq shall be disbursed solely at the direction of the Government of Iraq, and decides that the Development Fund for Iraq shall be utilised in a transparent and equitable manner and through the Iraqi budget including to satisfy outstanding obligations against the Development Fund for Iraq, that the arrangements for the depositing of proceeds from export sales of petroleum, petroleum products, and natural gas established in paragraph 20 of resolution 1483 (2003) shall continue to apply, that the International Advisory and Monitoring Board shall continue its activities in monitoring the Development Fund for Iraq and shall include as an additional full voting member a duly qualified individual designated by the Government of Iraq and that appropriate arrangements shall be made for the continuation of deposits of the proceeds referred to in paragraph 21 of resolution 1483 (2003);

25. Decides further that the provisions in the above paragraph for the deposit of proceeds into the DFI and for the role of the IAMB shall be reviewed at the request of the Transitional Government of Iraq or twelve months from the date of this resolution, and shall expire upon the completion of the political process set out in paragraph four above;

26. Decides that, in connection with the dissolution of the Coalition Provisional Authority, the Interim Government of Iraq and its successors shall assume the rights, responsibilities and obligations relating to the Oil for Food Program that were transferred to the Authority, including all operational responsibility for the Program and any obligations undertaken by the Authority in connection with such responsibility, and responsibility for ensuring independently authenticated confirmation that goods have been delivered, and further decides that, following a 120-day transition period from the date of adoption of this resolution, the Interim Government of Iraq and its successors shall assume responsibility for certifying delivery of goods under contracts prioritised in accordance with that resolution, and that such certification shall be deemed to constitute the independent authentication required for the release of funds associated with such contracts, consulting as appropriate to ensure the smooth implementation of these arrangements;

27. Further decides that the provisions of paragraph 22 of resolution 1483 (2003) shall continue to apply, except that the privileges and immunities provided in that paragraph shall not apply concerning any final judgment arising out of a contractual obligation entered into by Iraq after 30 June 2004;

28. Welcomes the commitments of many creditors, including those of the Paris Club, to identify ways to reduce substantially Iraq's sovereign debt, calls on Member States, as well as intemationa1 and regional organisations, to support the Iraq reconstruction effort, urges the international financial institutions and bilateral donors to take the immediate steps necessary to provide their full range of loans and other financial assistance and arrangements to Iraq, recognises that the Interim Government of Iraq will have the authority to conclude and implement such agreements and other arrangements as may be necessary in this regard, and requests creditors, institutions and donors to work as a priority on these matters with the Interim Government of Iraq and its successors;

29. Recalls the continuing obligations of Member States to freeze and transfer certain funds, assets, and economic resources to the Development Fund for Iraq in accordance with paragraphs 19 and 23 of resolution 1483 (2003) and with resolution 1518 (2003) of 24 November 2003;

30. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Council within three months from the date of this resolution on UNAMI operations in Iraq, and on a quarterly basis thereafter on the progress made towards national elections and fulfilment of all UNAMI's responsibilities;

31. Requests that the United States, on behalf of the multinational force, report to the Council within three months from the date of this resolution on the efforts and progress of this force, and on a quarterly basis thereafter;

32. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.

Annex

Text of letters from the Prime Minister of the Interim
Government of Iraq Dr. Ayad Allawi and United States
Secretary of State Colin L. Powell to the President of the Council

5 June 2004

Republic of Iraq
Prime Minister Office
Excellency:

On my appointment as Prime Minister of the Interim Government of Iraq, I am writing to express the commitment of the people of Iraq to complete the political transition process to establish a free, and democratic Iraq and to be a partner in preventing and combating terrorism. As we enter a critical new stage, regain full sovereignty and move towards elections, we will need the assistance of the international community.
        The Interim Government of Iraq will make every effort to ensure that these elections are fully democratic, free and fair. Security and stability continue to be essential to our political transition. There continue, however, to be forces in Iraq, including foreign elements, that are opposed to our transition to peace, democracy, and security. The Government is determined to overcome these forces, and to develop security forces capable of providing adequate security for the Iraqi people.
        Until we are able to provide security for ourselves, including the defense of Iraq’s land, sea and air space, we ask for the support of the Security Council and the international community in this endeavor. We seek a new resolution on the Multinational Force (MNF) mandate to contribute to maintaining security in Iraq, including through the tasks and arrangements set out in the letter from Secretary of State Colin Powell to the President of the United Nations Security Council. The Government requests that the Security Council review the mandate of the MNF at the request of the Transitional Government of Iraq, or twelve months from the date on which such a resolution is adopted.
        In order to discharge the Iraqi Government’s responsibility for security, I intend to establish appropriate security structures that will allow my Government and Iraqi security forces to progressively take on that responsibility. One such structure is the Ministerial Committee for National Security, consisting of myself as the Chair, the Deputy Prime Minister, and the Minister of Defense, Interior, Foreign Affairs, Justice, and Finance. The National Security Advisor, and Director of the Iraqi National Intelligence Service will serve as permanent advisory members of the committee. This forum will set the broad framework for Iraqi security policy. I intend to invite, as appropriate, the MNF commander, his Deputy, or the MNF

His Excellency
Mr. Lauro L. Baja, Jr.
President of the Security Council
United Nations
New York, New York

Commander’s designative representative, and other appropriate individuals, to attend and participate as well, and will stand ready to discuss mechanisms of coordination and cooperation with the MNF. Iraqi armed forces will be responsible to the Chief of Staff and Minister of Defense. Other security forces (the Iraqi police, border guards and Facilities Protection Service) will be responsible to the Minister of the Interior or other government ministers.
          In addition, the relevant ministers and I will develop further mechanisms for coordination with the MNF. Intend to create with the MNF coordination bodies at national, regional, and local levels, that will include Iraqi security forces commanders and civilian leadership, to ensure that Iraqi security forces will coordinate with the MNF on all security policy and operations issues in order to achieve unity of command of military operations in which Iraqi forces are engaged with MNF. In addition, the MNF and Iraqi government leaders will keep each other informed of their activities, consult regularly to ensure effective allocation and use of personnel, resources and facilities, will share intelligence, and will refer issues up the respective chains of command where necessary, Iraqi security forces will take on progressively greater responsibility as Iraqi capabilities improve.
        The structures I have described in this letter will serve as the fora for the MNF and the Iraqi government to reach agreement on the full range of fundamental security and policy issues, including policy on sensitive offensive operations, and will ensure full partnership between Iraqi forces and the MNF, through close coordination and consultation. Since these are sensitive issues for a number of sovereign governments, including Iraq and the United States, they need to be resolved in the framework of a mutual understanding on our strategic partnership.
          We will be working closely with the MNF leadership in the coming weeks to ensure that we have such an agreed strategic framework..
         We are ready to take sovereign responsibility for governing Iraq by June 30. We are well aware of the difficulties facing us, and of our responsibilities to the Iraqi people. The stakes are great, and we need the support of the international community to succeed. We ask the Security Council to help us by acting now to adopt a Security Council resolution giving us necessary support.
          I understand that the Co-sponsors intend to annex this letter to the resolution on Iraq under consideration. In the meantime, I request that you provide copies of this letter to members of the Council as quickly as possible.
(Signed) Dr. Ayad Allawi

The Secretary of State

Washington
5 June 2004
Excellency:

Recognizing the request of the government of Iraq for the continued presence of the Multi-National Force (MNF) in Iraq, and following consultations with Prime Minister Ayad Allawi of the Iraqi Interim Government, I am writing to confirm that the MNF under unified command is prepared to continue to contribute to the maintenance of security in Iraq, including by preventing and deterring terrorism and protecting the territory of Iraq. The goal of the MNF will be to help the Iraqi people to complete the political transition and will permit the United Nations and the international community to work to facilitate Iraq’s reconstruction.
        The ability of the Iraqi people to achieve their goals will be heavily influenced by the security situation in Iraq. As recent events have demonstrated, continuing attacks by insurgents, including former regime elements, foreign fighters, and illegal militias challenge all those who are working for a better Iraq.
              Development of an effective and cooperative security partnership between the MNF and the sovereign Government of Iraq is critical to the stability of Iraq. The commander of the MNF will work in partnership with the sovereign Government of Iraq in helping to provide security while recognizing and respecting its sovereignty.
         To that end, the MNF stands ready to participate in discussions of the Ministerial Committee for National Security on the broad framework of security policy, as referred to in the letter from Prime Minister of the Interim Government of Iraq Allawi dated June 5, 2004. On the implementation of this policy, recognizing that Iraqi security forces are responsible to the appropriate Iraqi ministers, the MNF will coordinate with Iraqi security forces at all levels — national, regional, and local — in order to achieve unity of command of military operations in which Iraqi forces are engaged with the MNF. In addition, the MNF and the Iraqi government leaders will keep each other informed of their activities, consult regularly to ensure effective allocation and use of personnel, resources, and facilities, will share intelligence, and will refer issues up the respective chains of command where necessary. We will work in the fora described by Prime Minister Allawi in his June 5 letter to reach agreement on the full range of fundamental security and policy issues, including policy on sensitive offensive operations, and will ensure full partnership between MNF and Iraqi forces, through close coordination and consultation.

His Excellency
Mr. Lauro L. Baja, Jr.
President of the Security Council
United Nations
New York, New York

Under the agreed arrangement, the MNF stands ready to continue to undertake a broad range of tasks to contribute to the maintenance of security and to ensure force protection. These include activities necessary to counter ongoing security threats posed by forces seeking to influence Iraq’s political future through violence.
       This will include combat operations against members of these groups, internment where this is necessary for imperative reasons of security, and the continued search for and securing of weapons that threaten Iraq’s security. A further objective will be to train and equip Iraqi security forces that will increasingly take responsibility for maintaining Iraq’s security. The MNF also stands ready as needed to participate in the provision of humanitarian assistance, civil affairs support, and relief and reconstruction assistance requested by the Iraqi Interim Government and in line with previous Security Council Resolutions.
          In addition, the MNF is prepared to establish or support a force within the MNF to provide for the security of personnel and facilities of the United Nations.
       We have consulted closely with UN officials regarding the United Nations’ security requirements and believe that a brigade-size force will be needed to support the United Nations’ security effort. This force will be under the command and control of the MNF commander, and its missions will include static and perimeter security at UN facilities, and convoy escort duties for the UN mission’s travel requirements.
         In order to continue to contribute to security, the MNF must continue to function under a framework that affords the force and its personnel the status that they need to accomplish their mission, and in which the contributing states have responsibility for exercising jurisdiction over their personnel and which will ensure arrangements for, and use of assets by, the MNF. The existing framework governing these matters is sufficient for these purposes. In addition, the forces that make up the MNF are and will remain committed at all times to act consistently with their obligations under the law of armed conflict, including the Geneva Conventions.
        The MNF is prepared to continue to pursue its current efforts to assist in providing a secure environment in which the broader international community is able to fulfill its important role in facilitating Iraq’s reconstruction. In meeting these responsibilities in the period ahead, we will act in full recognition of and respect for Iraqi sovereignty. We look to other member states and international and regional organizations to assist the people of Iraq and the sovereign Iraqi government in overcoming the challenges that lie ahead to build a democratic, secure and prosperous country.
        The co-sponsors intend to annex this letter to the resolution on Iraq under consideration. In the meantime, I request that you provide copies of this letter to members of the Council as quickly as possible.

Sincerely,
(Signed) Colin L. Powell

Text of UNSC Resolution 1546 (2004), globalsecurity.org
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3785577.stm>
<http://globalsecurity.org/wmd/library/news/iraq/un/n0438116.pdf>

Security Council Endorses Formation of Sovereign
Interim Government in Iraq

Press statement, United Nations Headquarters, New York,
June 8, 2004
UN Press Release

Security Council Endorses Formation Of Sovereign Interim Government In Iraq; Welcomes End Of Occupation By 30 June, Democratic Elections By January 2005

Resolution 1546 (2004) Adopted Unanimously

The Security Council this evening coalesced around a comprehensive resolution on Iraq, which endorsed the formation of the interim government and the holding of democratic elections by January 2005, welcomed the end of occupation by 30 June, and determined the status of the multinational force and its relationship with the Iraqi Government, as well as the role of the United Nations in the political transition.

Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter, the Council, through the unanimous adoption of resolution 1546 (2004), endorsed the timetable for the political transition leading to a constitutionally elected government by 31 December 2005, as well as the convening of a national conference.

Among the several provisions concerning the multinational force, the Council decided that the force should have the authority to "take all necessary measures" to contribute to the maintenance of security and stability in Iraq in accordance with the letters annexed to the resolution. (Those letters, dated 5 June, are from the Prime Minister of the Interim Government Ayad Allawi and United States Secretary of State Colin L. Powell to the Council President).

The Council welcomed the letters stating, among other things, that arrangements were being put in place to establish a "security partnership" between the sovereign Iraqi Government and the multinational force and to ensure coordination between the two. It also noted that the Government had authority to commit Iraqi security forces to the multinational force to engage in operations with it, and that the security structures described in the letters would serve as the forums for the Government and the multinational force to reach agreement on the full range of security and policy issues.

The Council also decided that the mandate for the multinational force should be reviewed at the request of the Iraqi Government or 12 months from the date of today’s resolution, and that the mandate should expire upon completion of the political process. It would terminate the mandate earlier if requested by the Government of Iraq.

Also by the text, the Council decided that the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), as requested by the Iraqi Government, should play a leading role in, among other tasks, the electoral process, the development of effective civil and social services, and coordination and delivery of reconstruction, development, and humanitarian assistance.

All Council members explained their position following the vote, with many referring to the consensus adoption as a milestone for both Iraq and the Security Council. The United States’ representative, a lead sponsor, called the passage a vivid demonstration of broad international support for a unified Iraq. He said the resolution defined the key political task in which the United Nations should play a "leading and vital" role. It made clear that Iraq’s sovereignty would be "undiluted" and that its Government would have the final say on the presence of the multinational force.

Throughout the negotiations, France’s representative said he was both demanding because the stakes were considerable and constructive because he believed the unity of the international community was more necessary than ever. The final text met his demands on many points, including that the Iraqi armed forces and security forces would not be part of the multinational force and that it would be up to the Iraqi Government solely to decide whether to commit them to multinational force operations.

Regarding implementation of the mandate of the multinational force, in particular the conditions of engagement in the event of sensitive offensive operations, he said, however, that the resolution did not spell out what would happen in the event of disagreement between the interim government and the force. He would have preferred the text to mention that the final say in that case would fall to the Iraqi Government, but since that provision had not been explicitly requested by the Iraqi leaders, he was satisfied at the final adjustment made to the text.

Statements were also made by the representatives of the United Kingdom, Algeria, Pakistan, China, Germany, Russian Federation, Chile, Spain, Brazil, Romania, Angola and Benin. The representative of the Philippines, Council President for the month, spoke in his national capacity.

The meeting began at 4:45 p.m. and was adjourned at 6:11 p.m.

Background

The Security Council met this afternoon to consider the situation between Iraq and Kuwait, for which the Council had before it a draft resolution sponsored by Romania, United Kingdom and United States.

Action on Draft

The Security Council unanimously adopted the draft resolution on Iraq.

Explanations of Vote

Speaking after the vote, John D. Negroponte (United States) said that with today’s vote, the Security Council had acknowledged an important milestone -– by 30 June, Iraq would reassert its sovereignty as a step forward on a path to a democratic government. The passage of the resolution was a vivid demonstration of broad international support for a federal, democratic, pluralistic and unified Iraq in which full respect for political and human rights prevailed.

Earlier this week, he recalled, Mr. Brahimi briefed the Council on the formation of the interim government, which would pave the way for national elections for a Transitional National Assembly no later than January 2005. Resolution 1546 defined the key political task in which the United Nations should play a "leading and vital" role to support Iraqi efforts. The text had made clear that Iraq’s sovereignty would be "undiluted" and that its Government would have the sovereign authority to request and decline assistance, including in the security sector. The Government would have the final say on the presence of the multinational force.

The resolution also addressed the current security reality and affirmed the security structures and mechanisms presently warranted, he noted. The annexed letters from Prime Minister Allawi and Secretary of State Powell had described the security partnership being put in place between the Iraqi Government and the multinational force. The international community now had a renewed opportunity to help the people of Iraq and their sovereign Government.

Undeterred by Saddam Hussein’s legacy of many years of oppression and war, the Iraqi people were determined to create a new reality, he said. International assistance could and should enhance their prospects for success. The resolution called on the international community to join those already helping the talented people of Iraq. Member States should not delay in matching advice with concrete assistance. As President Bush had said, a free Iraq deserved the full support of the international community. The constructive dialogue leading to the Council’s unanimous vote today should mark strengthened international resolve to work together for a democratic, secure and prosperous Iraq, and for the lasting and permanent benefits of its people.

Emyr Jones Parry (United Kingdom) said that today’s resolution marked a defining moment for Iraq. The Council had powerfully endorsed the formation of a sovereign interim government, which would assume full responsibility and authority for governing Iraq by 30 June. It was a crucial phase in Iraq’s transition to full democracy. The resolution gave the Government the best possible start as it led Iraq out of occupation, and proved itself to the Iraqi people through its actions. "The promise is great -– a stable, federal, democratic, pluralistic and unified Iraq where there is full respect for human rights."

The resolution, he said, made an important contribution to Iraq’s development. As well as endorsing the formation of the interim government, it set a clear path for the future political process, which would end with elections on the basis of a constitution approved by the Iraqi people. It gave the United Nations a leading role, as circumstances permit, to assist the Iraqi people in that process. It encouraged the international community to assist Iraq’s reconstruction, including working towards a sustainable reduction of Iraq’s debt burden.

Also, he continued, on the basis of the Iraqi Government’s request for the multinational force to remain in Iraq, the resolution authorized its continued presence. The sovereign Government would be able to require a review of the force or its termination. The resolution, including the annexed letters, also set out the full partnership between the Iraqi Government and the force.

That relationship, he said, between the Iraqi Government and the force was undeniably the most complex issue in the negotiation. The resulting arrangements, stemming from discussion with the incoming interim government, made clear that Iraqi security forces, including armed forces, would be responsible to Iraqi ministers; an Iraqi led forum would set the broad Iraqi security policy framework; national, regional and local coordination mechanisms would ensure unified command for those operations to which the Iraqi Government committed its troops; and that the aim would be agreement on the full range of fundamental security and policy issues, including policy on sensitive operations.

The United Kingdom, as a member of the multinational force, stood ready to participate fully in those arrangements, he stated. It was committed to playing its part towards building security and stability in Iraq for as long as needed and as long as the Iraqi Government wished. His country was also determined to support Iraqi efforts progressively to take on responsibility for their own security.

Abdallah Baali (Algeria) said that the adoption of the resolution was a historic moment for the proud Iraqi people who, after 30 years of dictatorship and 15 months of foreign occupation, would, by 30 June, recover their independence, their sovereignty and their dignity. The resolution also marked a new chapter for the Iraqi people in their legitimate quest for stability, prosperity and democracy. Yet, the future remained "loaded" with dangers and uncertainties, and the resolution just adopted was not aiming at or capable of lifting all of those.

In fact, he continued, the challenges facing the Iraqi people were formidable, and it was indeed up to them and to the governments that would lead the country until legitimate institutions were elected to make the political transition work and to make their dream of a free and democratic Iraq come true. For that to happen, Iraq had to work hard to create the necessary conditions for its people to live in peace and security, to put together a credible and self-reliant army to protect it from internal and external threats, to develop a genuine democratic process, and to use the remarkable human and natural resources that made that country so unique. It had to rebuild an economy ravaged by years of wars, sanctions and neglect, and to restore hope and confidence.

He said that the most daunting and pressing priority for the leadership of Iraq would be to reduce the level of violence and bring peace and stability to the country. Insecurity could not be successfully addressed through military means alone. He, therefore, added his voice to the appeal made by Mr. Brahimi to the Iraqi Government to reach out to those who had been vocal critics of the past year’s process. In that context, the National Conference was the ideal forum to promote a meaningful dialogue, a true and national reconciliation and to build a strong consensus on Iraq’s political future.

While not perfect, the resolution was undoubtedly "the best we could get under the circumstances and is indeed a well-balanced text" which, among other things, managed to reconcile two extremes, namely the concept of Iraqi sovereignty and the need to maintain on Iraqi soil the presence of an effective and fully operational multinational force requested and invited by a "Government-in-waiting".

He said he was particularly grateful to the co-sponsors for having responded constructively and positively to four crucial demands his delegation had put forward at the very outset of the negotiations, namely: that full and undiminished sovereignty be restored to Iraq; that the Government exercise full authority and responsibility in governing Iraq, including on security issues and over its financial and natural resources; that all armed Iraqi and security forces be placed under the sole authority of the Iraqi Government; and that the Government’s consent be required in respect to sensitive military operations carried out by the multinational force, as well as regarding the engagement of its own forces in multinational force operations.

Munir Akram (Pakistan) said that he had voted in favour of the resolution. The people of Iraq had suffered for decades. The resolution prepared the way for Iraq to embark on a new path towards peace and prosperity. It should mark a new era for Iraq and its people. It should also promote security and reconstruction, and revive its potential of economic growth. The text of the resolution underwent substantial transformation before becoming acceptable to all Council members. He commended the co-sponsors for the flexibility shown in the negotiations.

He said he was glad that most of the changes proposed were accommodated in the text. Those included the transfer of full sovereignty and authority to Iraq; affirmation of the independence and territorial integrity of Iraq; supremacy for the wishes of Iraq and Iraqi control over its own security forces; the presence of the multinational force at the request of the Iraqi Government; establishment of a coordination mechanism between the Force and the interim government; and adherence by all concerned to the principles of humanitarian law.

The resolution, he continued, affirmed that the United Nations must play a leading role in promoting implementation of the processes envisaged therein, he said. The endeavours of Mr. Brahimi had been outstanding, and he had performed a most difficult diplomatic feat. The resolution was a most significant step since the first Gulf War toward the full normalization of the situation in Iraq. The text indicated a timetable for the establishment of a democratically elected government and an end to the presence of the multinational force.

However, he noted, the security situation remained volatile and unstable. He hoped that following the transfer of sovereignty, the security environment would improve significantly. The problem of insecurity could not be solved through military means alone. Political solutions were required to achieve military stability. He hoped the interim government would benefit from international assistance to broaden political consensus and make all efforts to bring all groups under the tent.

Peace and stability in Iraq would no doubt reinforce stability in the region, he added. As a regional State, Pakistan looked forward to an Iraq at peace with itself and its neighbours. The support of its neighbours, and Arab and Islamic countries would be an important component in realizing its economic, political and security goals.

Wang Guangya (China) said that today was an important day for the Iraqi people and the United Nations. The resolution was a milestone and would usher in a historical turning point in the Iraqi political process and a new page in the relationship between Iraq and the United Nations. The text would also further strengthen the authority and rule of the Security Council. The Iraqi people were industrious and talented and had made brilliant contributions to human civilization. But, for more than a decade, they had suffered from wars and turbulence.

He said that the resolution just adopted had undoubtedly laid a foundation for the early fulfilment of their aspirations. It had endorsed the formation of the interim government and reaffirmed the right of Iraqis to determine their own political future and control over their natural and economic resources, among other things. With adoption of the text, he looked forward to 30 June, which would witness the full assumption of sovereignty and the return of Iraq to the family of nations.

Hopefully, he said, with the broad support of the Iraqi people and the unstinting assistance of the international community, the Iraqi Government would conform to its obligations, take measures towards stability and security, promote reconciliation and hold free and fair elections on schedule. With the transfer of sovereignty, the great Iraqi people would make unremitting efforts to remove all obstacles and resume the path towards peace, democracy and development, as well as make regional contributions and advance the goals of civilization overall.

For the past 10 years, Iraq had been a focus of the Security Council, with the adoption of more than 70 resolutions, he noted. In the process of arriving at an appropriate settlement, there had been times of close cooperation and deep divisions. He was pleased that the Council now stood unified again in response to the appeals of the Iraqi people. The resolution had been the result of joint efforts by all Council members, and that would turn the relationship between the United Nations and Iraq into one of partnership with shared objectives.

Indeed, he said, today’s action was a new beginning for both the Council and Iraq, though implementation would be fraught with challenges. As long as all parties put the interest of the Iraqi people first, implementation would certainly help improve the security situation, advance the political process, and promote post-war reconstruction.

Jean-Marc De La Sablière (France) said he had voted in favour of the resolution. France had approached the discussion on the resolution with three goals for the Iraqi people and the United Nations: first, to ensure that the Iraqi interim government would have all the attributes of sovereignty and complete authority to govern the country after 30 June, in spite of the need to maintain a very large foreign military presence; second, to give the Iraqi people credible assurances that the political process was continuing and that the presence of foreign troops was temporary and limited in time to clarify the political horizon of the Iraqi people and assure them that the coming transition period would end as soon as possible; and third, to entrust a mandate to the United Nations which guaranteed the credibility of the Organization and which was realistic in light of what it could do in the present circumstances in Iraq.

The first two elements were essential for the Iraqis to support the current political process and have confidence in the new Iraqi Government, he said. The third allowed for the role of the United Nations to be preserved in the settlement of crises and, to the extent possible, for the security of those who would act in the Organization’s name in the field.

France had emphasized, from the first informal consultations in the Council, the importance it gave to the mandate that the Council would entrust to the United Nations and the legal framework for the action of the multinational force. On the first point, the aim was to allow the Iraqis to take maximum advantage of United Nations expertise in the extension of the action of Mr. Brahimi and Ms. Perelli, while taking into account the security conditions. He was pleased that a consensus had been reached in the Council on that issue.

On the second point, he said that the aim was to take account of the change resulting from the restoration of Iraqi sovereignty to retool the mandate of the multinational force, while spelling it out clearly in the framework of international law.

Throughout the negotiations, France was both demanding, because the stakes were considerable, and constructive, because it believed the unity of the international community was more necessary than ever. The final text met his delegation’s demands on many points. The Iraqi interim government would have complete responsibility and authority to govern the country; the various stages in the political process had been endorsed by the resolution, specifically the timetable for elections and for the end of the transition period, no later than the end of 2005; and the sovereign government might at any time ask for the mandate of the multinational force to be revised or ended, and that request would be binding on the Security Council.

Also, he said, the resolution clearly stated that from now on, the Iraqi armed forces and security forces would not be part of the multinational force. They were to be placed under the sole authority of the Iraqi Government and it would be up to the Government to decide whether to commit them, if it deemed it necessary or desirable, to multinational force operations. France had insisted on those last two points so that the relationship between the interim government and the Force would reflect the sovereignty that the interim government would have after 1 July.

However, regarding the implementation of the mandate of the force, in particular the conditions of engagement in the event of sensitive offensive operations, the resolution stated that the interim government and the force would have to reach an agreement. But it did not spell out what would happen in the event of disagreement. That was why France would have preferred the text to mention that the final say in that case would fall to the Iraqi government. As that provision was not explicitly requested by the Iraqi leaders, he was satisfied at the final adjustment made to the paragraph regarding the arrangements.

Gunter Pleuger (Germany) said he welcomed the unanimous adoption of the resolution, as a result of proposals and amendments made by various Council members -- not least by the imaginative and constructive approach of the French-German amendments, which had been largely included in the text, along with suggestions by the Iraqi side. Thanks also to the co-sponsors in the course of the negotiations, the text had been substantially improved.

He said his country supported the resolution as an important step towards the restoration of full sovereignty of the Iraqi interim government in all relevant areas and towards Iraqi ownership. It did so, in particular, in view of the clarifications with regard to the security partnership between the interim government and the multinational force, as spelled out in the body of the resolution and in the letters of Prime Minister Allawi and Secretary of State Powell.

It was of crucial importance now that the resolution was implemented with unequivocal respect for the full sovereignty of Iraq, he stressed. Regional and international support for the Iraqi people was equally essential. It was in that spirit that Germany stood ready to cooperate with the new Iraqi authorities in the political and economic reconstruction of Iraq.

Alexander Konuzin (Russian Federation) said he had supported the resolution adopted today, which marked a milestone in Iraq’s history. During the negotiations, the Council had managed to work out a decision culminating in the end of the occupation and the transfer of full sovereignty. Now there was the prospect of enhancing the United Nations contribution in the developing political process. The resolution unequivocally affirmed the right of Iraqis to determine their political future and control their natural resources.

He welcomed the inclusion of the provisions on incorporating opposition elements in the political process and on the need for all parties to comply with all international humanitarian norms. It was important to have a timeline for the political process and national elections in January 2005, leading to the formation of a transitional government. Russia, before adopting the resolution, had suggested an international conference with the parties of all influential Iraqi forces, as well as Iraq’s neighbours and members of the Security Council. That proposal was "still in force". He called on the Iraqi leadership to look at the convening of that type of meeting.

It was important that provisions of the resolution be adopted on the basis of relevant requests of the interim government, including the deployment of the multinational force and the provision of international assistance. Under the resolution, the United Nations would need to meet some serious challenges in Iraq. The Organization would only be able to meet those challenges if the necessary level of security was provided. The key provision pertained to the mandate of the multinational force, which was clearly linked to the timeline of the political process. It was clear that their presence depended on the consensus of the Iraqi Government and their function was to provide security during the transitional period. There should be a coordinating mechanism to lay out the partnership between the Government and the force. All of the work of the force must be done in agreement with Iraqi authorities.

Since the problem of weapons of mass destruction was the cause of the beginning of the war in Iraq, it could not be left unattended, he said. He hoped that work could begin soon on adapting the mandate of the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to the new conditions in the country. The Council had also endowed the Iraqi Government with economic sovereignty during the transitional period. He emphasized the need to ensure a fair and transparent approach regarding the Iraqi Development Fund and compliance with obligations in accordance with prioritised contracts from the former Iraq Programme. His country was continuing to provide assistance to the restoration of the Iraqi economy.

Only time would tell whether the adoption of the resolution would mark a turnaround for Iraq, he stated. Much would depend on whether Iraqis themselves sensed a transformation from occupation to full sovereignty. The resolution would help pool the efforts of the international community for a real settlement of Iraq, which remained "a bleeding wound" in the region and in the world.

Heraldo Muñoz (Chile) said that no negotiation produced a perfect result for all the parties concerned or satisfied all aspirations or amendments. He thanked the openness of the process provided by the sponsors, as well as the constructive attitude of all the Council colleagues. "It is a good resolution. We are satisfied. It is the best resolution that could be agreed given the circumstances on the ground and recent history", he said.

Hopefully, he said, the resolution would help the Iraqi people and the Government. At the end of the day, the future of the Iraqis was what truly mattered, and to that purpose, that good resolution might indeed contribute. Its success would be proven in the reaction in world public opinion and on the streets of Baghdad.

The resolution was the "theoretical underpinning" of the new phase in Iraq, he said. It remained to be seen how that would translate into practice into a sovereign Government that effectively constructed its own future. Violence in Iraq would not stop automatically with the resolution, or with the assumption of the interim Iraqi Government on 30 June. There would be a difficult process of peace construction, which would become stronger as Iraqis elected their government democratically in January 2005 and ran their country in all aspects and all spheres. In the recent difficult period, Chile had consistently supported the multilateral approach. Today, the United Nations was again taking up its role and would be the centre of gravity in assisting Iraq.

Juan Antonio Yañez-Barnuevo (Spain) said he had voted in favour of the resolution. It was not the ideal resolution. He would have wanted the United Nations to have assumed military leadership in the transition phase. On 1 July, the interim government would recover the exercise of its sovereignty, which should be understood in the broadest sense. Spain would not remain indifferent to Iraq’s present and future. Iraq would enjoy Spain’s full support to ensure a stable and prosperous nation. Spain would support whatever action was taken by the United Nations, the European Union or others to provide a framework for international cooperation to ensure that Iraqis regained full sovereignty and organized free and democratic elections.

Spain had been defending a more ambitious role for the United Nations in Iraq, he said. Today, the United Nations would act to assist the transitional government in preparing for the electoral process. One essential element of the resolution related to the security structure. In that regard, he hoped that the security agreement concluded between the Government and the multinational force fully respected the sovereignty of Iraq and was a true reflection of the principle of authority that should preside over relations between the interim government and the force. He also hoped an agreement was entered into quickly to affirm the role of the interim government when sensitive operations were carried out.

His country had always supported the role played by countries in the region for the reinsertion of Iraq into the international community. He believed it positive to have an international conference, to be convened when the Government deemed it appropriate. He noted that funds from the Development Fund for Iraq could be provided to the interim government on a discretionary basis. Also, the resolution enshrined an extension of the International Advisory and Monitoring Board.

On the humanitarian front, he was pleased at the reference in the preambulary section of the text for all parties to observe international humanitarian law. He would have liked the inclusion of that provision in the operative section as well. Also, it was important that the resolution, as requested by Spain and others, did contain 30 December 2005 as the deadline for the transitional political process to conclude and the end of the presence of the multinational force. The presence of the Force in Iraq should be as restricted over time as possible.

Ronaldo Mota Sardenberg (Brazil) said the resolution marked the end of occupation and the reassertion of all prerogatives of full sovereignty by the interim government by 30 June. He had participated in the negotiations leading to the adoption of the text in a constructive spirit. Bearing in mind the importance of the Council’s decision for the evolving situation on the ground in Iraq and for the high relevance in terms of the expectations of the international community, the overriding objective had been to make the resolution a good one.

In that endeavour, he said, together with Chile and Spain, his delegation had presented several amendments to the draft, which had been mainly aimed at sharpening the text and clarifying the situation that would be created by the establishment of a new political and legal reality. Among other points, Brazil had striven to stress the transfer of full sovereign authority to the interim government, establish the United Nations as a partner with that government, and give the Organization a leading role in carrying out its tasks. It had also sought to emphasize the importance of international obligations in the areas of human rights and humanitarian law, establish Iraqi control over the country’s security forces, and differentiate the presence of the multinational force before and after the end of occupation. It had also wanted to clearly define the scope and presence and the reach of the force’s mandate in the area of security.

During the negotiations, Brazil had supported important proposals by other members and he had been pleased that many had been reflected in the text. He had also been satisfied by the flexibility shown by the original co-sponsors, particularly in those last days as consultations intensified. The end result had not been the best possible conceivable outcome, as many had said, but in practical terms, the resolution was possibly the best outcome for the negotiation process given the circumstances.

Mihnea Ioan Motoc (Romania) said he had supported and co-sponsored the text for three reasons. First, it was in his country’s national interest to see that its contribution to peace in Iraq was duly recognized. He pursued with particular resolve the Council working out an essential role for the United Nations in fostering the political process and mobilizing further the assistance of the international community. Romania was part of the multinational force, but also shared the task of preparing the future Iraqi security forces.

The second reason, he said, had to do with the approach followed by the Council to properly reflect the transfer of full sovereignty and chart the way ahead for the political process in Iraq. He did not know of any delegation that did not come forward with ideas and suggestions to improve the text. What he saw was effective multilateralism in action during the negotiations. Thirdly, he wanted to see that the resolution was most thoroughly "consensualized" inside and outside the Council. With the transfer of sovereignty on 30 June, an important step would be taken to move forward with the political process in Iraq.

Ismael Abraão Gaspar Martins (Angola) said he was proud to have been part of the consensus. With the unanimous adoption of the text, justice had been done to the vitality of multilateralism. When things looked so dark in Iraq, the United Nations played its vital and unifying role and was now poised to come out of the crisis stronger and ready to act in providing answers when needed. The resolution had clearly provided for a partnership of the Iraqis and the international community, and represented a clear departure from past resolutions on Iraq.

He said he was grateful to the sponsors for the spirit of give and take, which had characterized the negotiations and resulted in a better and clear resolution and a stronger Security Council. The resolution provided for the restoration of full sovereignty, based on Iraq’s full independence and the right of its people to determine their own political future and control their natural resources.

The resolution had also recognized the need for the continued presence of the multinational force in partnership with the Iraqi parties and in full respect for their sovereignty, as well as for the presence of the United Nations in the political process including beyond the elections, he said. The international community’s continued support, as well as that of Iraq’s neighbours, was critical to helping the Iraqis meet the challenges ahead. The text had stressed that important point and Mr. Brahimi had reinforced and reminded the Council of the importance of that support.

Joël W. Adechi (Benin) said the resolution paved the way for the effective restoration of Iraqi sovereignty. He was pleased with the positive negotiations leading up to the resolution, which created the framework for the end of the occupation, the full sovereignty of Iraq, and conditions in which the multinational force would do its work in the country. Henceforth, it was up to the Iraqi Government to take on its responsibility and make sure that the machinery put in place worked properly.

He called on Iraq to do all it could to achieve the support of all Iraqis, and so that elections would have the credibility it needed. He launched an appeal to the international community to provide as much assistance as possible to enable Iraq to overcome its difficulties. Iraq’s neighbours should also make joint efforts to stabilize the situation on the ground.

Lauro L. Baja, Jr. (Philippines), Council President, speaking in his national capacity, said that yesterday, the Council had been divided on Iraq; today it was united on Iraq. That was a great day for Iraq, the United Nations, the Security Council and the international community. His delegation was pleased to have presided over action on that eloquent expression, which had validated his country’s position of unwavering support for a free, democratic and united Iraq.

Council members could congratulate themselves for the house built for Iraq and for the unanimous adoption of the resolution, which had laid the foundations for a lasting edifice, he said. The challenge now was for Iraq and the international community to translate the text into action. He was confident that in the present atmosphere in the Council and the interest and concern elicited from many States, success could be achieved. He was pleased to have been part of the negotiations on that historic text and to have supported it.

Press statement ,United Nations Headquarters, Newyork, 8 June 2004,
<http://www.state.gov/p/nea/rls/33317.htm>

Neighbours' Support for Iraq Stability Stressed

Dateline: UNITED NATIONS, June 9
Pakistan said on Tuesday that "the support of Iraq's immediate neighbours, as well as in the Arab and Islamic countries, for security and stability in Iraq will be an important component in realizing the political, security and economic goals set out in resolution 1546" adopted unanimously by the UN Security Council.
           "We view this resolution as the most significant step since the first Gulf war towards the full normalization of the situation in Iraq" Pakistan's Ambassador to the United Nations Munir Akram said in an explanation of vote.
     "It endorses the presence of the Multinational Force (MNF), at this time, as a means to restoring peace and security in Iraq. It indicates a timetable to establish an elected government in Iraq and a programme to end the mandate of the MNF," he said.
              Observing that "the security environment in Iraq remains volatile and unstable," Mr Akram said: "We must trust and hope that following the transfer of sovereignty the Security environment will improve significantly."
       "Peace and stability in Iraq will no doubt reinforce stability in the region. Its continued instability, on the other hand, is likely to have an adverse impact on the security environment of the region and beyond," he cautioned.
         "Pakistan hopes that the adoption of this resolution will; enable the Iraqi people to fully regain their sovereignty and full control over their own destiny; promote security and stability in Iraq and preserve its unity and territorial integrity; and promote the reconstruction of its shattered country and revive its potential for economic growth and prosperity," Mr Akram said.
        Saying that the Security Council resolution underwent substantial transformation before becoming acceptable to all the members of the Security Council including Pakistan, Mr Akram noted that most of the suggestions for changes in the resolution proposed by Pakistan were accommodated in the draft by the sponsors.
These include:
-           Transfer of full authority and sovereignty to Iraq and full control by the Iraqi people over their natural resources.
-           An affirmation of the independence, unity and territorial integrity of Iraq;
-          Respect for the primacy of the wishes and desires of the Iraqi people and their government in their political and security affairs;
-          Iraqi control over its own security forces which will, progressively assume full responsibility for Iraq's security;
-           The presence of the MNF at the request of the Iraqi government and creation of a coordination mechanism between the Iraqi Government and the MNF on security policy and operations;
-           Adherence by all concerned to the principles of international humanitarian law; and respect for Iraq's cultural, archeological and religious heritage, which are among the most sacred in the Islamic world.
Mr Akram noted that "as indicated by Mr. Brahimi, the problem of insecurity cannot be solved through military means alone," adding "political solutions and accommodations are required to achieve security and stability in Iraq."
© The DAWN Group of Newspapers, 2004

Masood Haider, Dawn ,10 June 2004
<http://tides.carebridge.org/TIRR/D-TIRR223.htm#_Neighbours'_support_for_Iraq_stabil>

Bush Reviews Five-Point Plan for Iraqi
Self-Government, June 16, 2004 [EXTRACT]

(President Addresses U.S. Central Command Military Personnel)

President Bush outlined his five-point plan to return Iraq to self-rule and to rebuild its institutions in a speech to U.S. military Central Command personnel at MacDill Air Force Base in Tampa, Florida, June 16.

Listing the points, the president said: "We're handing over authority to a sovereign Iraqi government. We're encouraging more international support for Iraq's political transition. We're helping Iraqis take responsibility for their own security. We're continuing to rebuild Iraq's infrastructure, and we're helping Iraq move to free elections."

Bush told the U.S. soldiers that their missions of helping to bring democracy to Iraq and Afghanistan are "giving people an alternative to bitterness and hatred, and that is essential to the peace of the world."

"We have come not to conquer, but to liberate people," said Bush, "and we will stand with them until their freedom is secure."

With Iraq's interim government set to assume sovereignty June 30, Bush reported that the country's economy is moving forward with new businesses and a new currency. He said dozens of political parties are organizing and more than 170 newspapers are being published.

Bush also said life is improving for ordinary Iraqis, with electric power being restored, nearly 2,500 schools being rehabilitated, and all of the country's hospitals and most medical clinics now open and serving the people.

The United States also is helping to train Iraqi security forces, he said, and he praised the more than 200,000 Iraqis currently on duty or in training for "setting an example for their fellow citizens."

"They are securing a future of liberty and opportunity for their children and their grandchildren. And when the history of modern Iraq is written, the people of Iraq will know their freedom was finally secured by the courage and by the determination of Iraqi patriots," he said.

Bush warned that more violence can be expected in the weeks and months ahead.

"With each step forward on the path to self-government and self-reliance, the terrorists will grow more desperate and more violent," he said. "The killers know they have no future in a free Iraq. They want America to abandon the mission and to break our word."

But, he added, "I will not yield, and neither will the leaders of Iraq."

16 June 2004
<http://www.usembassy.it/file2004_06/alia/a4061605.htm>

U.S. In Iraq to Help With Reconstruction and Security,
Says Powell, June 24, 2004

(Defends coalition removal of Ba'athist regime in BBC interview)

Secretary of State Colin Powell said that although he expects violence to continue in Iraq, he hopes it will dissipate once the Iraqi people see their own government running the country, and recognize that the United States is only there to provide reconstruction assistance and security.

Speaking in a June 24 interview with the BBC's Jon Leyne, Powell said, "We have to keep making the point to the Iraqi people that we are there with billions of dollars in reconstruction money for your schools, for your hospitals, for your sewers, for your power plants, for your oil infrastructure; we are there to help you and your own forces are now being built up to protect you."

He said suspected al Qaeda operative Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and others who do not wish to see a free society in Iraq will "do everything they can to disrupt" the reconstruction effort, said Powell. But al-Zarqawi does not offer a positive alternative to the Iraqi people, he said.

"Is he there to help the Iraqi people? Is he there to put up hospitals? Is he there to create a political system so the Iraqi people can vote for their leaders? Is he there to help write a constitution?" asked Powell.

"He's there for death and destruction, the death and destruction of the Iraqi people and the death and destruction of the dreams of the Iraqi people," he said.

Pledging that coalition and Iraqi forces will get the country's security under control, Powell said, "We will not let the remnants of this regime deny the people the benefits of the destruction of the regime."

Asked to comment on U.S. unpopularity throughout the world, the secretary said his country would overcome it. "[W]e did the right thing," he said. "We got rid of a terrible regime that did terrible things to their people and caused great instability in that part of the world."

The United States has experienced international opposition before, he said, recalling strong opposition to the decision to deploy Pershing and GLCM missiles in Europe during the 1980s.

"We believe that if our policies are right, and if we have done the right thing, that ultimately, people will see we have done the right thing," he said.

Secretary Powell also defended his February 5, 2003, presentation before the United Nations in which he accused the former Iraqi regime of possessing weapons of mass destruction and having ties to terrorist organizations.

"What I did on the 5th of February was present the facts as we knew them," he said, but he admitted being subsequently distressed that some of the information he had presented has not been adequately sourced.

However, Powell said his assertions that Iraq never gave up the intent to possess WMD, continued to have the capability to develop them and did not answer the United Nations' longstanding questions about its weapons programs have "not been challenged."

"The failure in my presentation subsequently is that we have not found weapons stocks. We have not found the stocks -- yet," Powell said.

Alternatively, he argued, if Saddam Hussein's regime "had escaped judgment," all the constraints against his weapons programs would be gone.

"Saddam Hussein would still be there, he would still have the intention, he would still have the capability, and he would be producing weapons of mass destruction and that would be a real and present danger," he said.

Following is the transcript of Secretary Powell's interview with the BBC:
(begin transcript)

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Spokesman
June 24, 2004

INTERVIEW [Text]
Secretary of State Colin L. Powell On BBC Television with Jon Leyne

June 24, 2004
Washington, D.C.
(10:35 a.m. EDT)

Mr. Leyne: Mr. Secretary, it's just under a week till the handover of power in Iraq. Another terrible day of violence. Is this the shape of things to come?

Secretary Powell: It's a terrible day of violence because, as we get closer to the handoff, those who don't want to see a successful handoff, who don't want to see the Iraqi people begin to build a society and a political system that rests on freedom, they're going to do everything they can to disrupt it. And I hope that this is a spike that will start to go the other direction once the Iraqi people see that they have their own leaders in charge and the United States is no longer the government there, the Coalition Provisional Authority has gone away, and that we are there now as a normal embassy to help them. So I hope that the transition to full sovereignty will demonstrate to the Iraqi people that this kind of violence should end.

Mr. Leyne: But those enemies are going to be trying to pit you against the new Iraqi government -- you, the Americans. How are you going to prevent that?

Secretary Powell: I'm sure they are going to try to do that and we have to defend against that and we have to keep making the point to the Iraqi people that we are there with billions of dollars in reconstruction money for your schools, for your hospitals, for your sewers, for your power plants, for your oil infrastructure; we are there to help you and your own forces are now being built up to protect you. Now, do you think these elements that are conducting this kind of violence are going to take you into a better future? And the answer is they are not, and I hope that message gets across.

Mr. Leyne: Is Zarqawi the man behind many of today's attacks?

Secretary Powell: He is certainly one of the enemies of the Iraqi people who is there and I think there are others who are involved. I am always reluctant to put it all on one individual, but he is certainly the worst of the breed, the worst of the lot.

And why is he doing this? What is he there for? Is he there to help the Iraqi people? Is he there to put up hospitals? Is he there to create a political system so the Iraqi people can vote for their leaders? Is he there to help write a constitution? He's there for death and destruction, the death and destruction of the Iraqi people and the death and destruction of the dreams of the Iraqi people.

Mr. Leyne: What mistakes did you, the United States, make in the occupation?

Secretary Powell: Well, I think we have done a lot of things well. We have put in place a political transition. A new government is coming in on the 1st of July, as we have discussed, and we have got a UN resolution that endorses that and takes us out through constitution writing and full elections.

I think we underestimated the nature of the insurgency that we might face during this period and so the insurgency that we're looking at now, fuelled by old Saddam regime loyalists and terrorists, has become a serious problem for us, but it's a problem that we now have to deal with. But we underestimated that.

Mr. Leyne: Fueled also, by most accounts, all Iraqi experts think, by the decision to disband the Iraqi army early on. Regretting -- do you regret that?

Secretary Powell: Well, I don't know. I can't be that categorical about that as to whether it was a mistake or not. What we had to do the last year was to make sure that those who were responsible for the reign of terror of the Saddam Hussein regime were not going to be around to continue that reign of terror and they had no role in the future of Iraq.

Now, whether we went too deep with respect to the "de-Baathification" or with respect to the elimination of the Iraqi army is something that we can debate and discuss for many years into the future. The fact of the matter is the Iraqi army had pretty much disbanded itself in the course of the war toward the end of the conflict. We weren't fighting any organized units. They had disbanded. Unfortunately, some of those elements that disbanded decided to come back out, at least individuals in those elements, and fight the Coalition Provisional Authority and the new Iraqi force.

Mr. Leyne: Well, the other error everybody points to is you didn't send enough forces in right at the beginning. You, yourself, before the Gulf War, the first Gulf War, said we had to go in big and end it quickly. Why didn't you do it this time?

Secretary Powell: We did go in big and we ended it quickly. We fought a very, very brilliant battle, I think, on the field and defeated the Iraqi army rather quickly. And the debate that is raging as to whether or not there were enough forces there to actually occupy the country and dominate the towns and cities, and more would have been perhaps useful, but the military thought they had the forces that they needed for the job they were given.

Mr. Leyne: But you didn't even have enough to secure the suspected WMD sites, for example.

Secretary Powell: Well, you know, the suspected WMD sites, what does that mean? I mean, every bunker in Iraq was a potential WMD site and it was clear that the target array, the array of places to be guarded, was so large that no size force that was within any reasonable calculation would have been there and available to secure all those sites sitting around. So what we have done is to create forces, indigenous forces over the past year, that can secure all of the sites that need to be secure, and not just potential WMD sites but where bombs, rockets and all the other paraphernalia of war that Saddam Hussein spent all his money on, where those items are located.

Mr. Leyne: Going back before the war, your UN presentation, perhaps it may end up, frankly, being the one thing that is remembered above all in your term as Secretary of State. Richard Armitage, your loyal Deputy, says that this UN presentation is a great source of distress for you. What did he mean?

Secretary Powell: Well, it's distressful in the sense that some of the information that I presented that day we have not been able to subsequently source. Some of the sources that we used on some of the parts of the presentation I made turned out to be wrong. That doesn't mean that I felt something was wrong in my making that presentation. At the time, we believed it. At the time, we believed the information was accurate and it was the best judgment of the intelligence community, not only of the United States but of other nations as well.

And so what I presented on that day was the best information we had. Some of the information has turned out now to have been inaccurate and I'm distressed by that.

Mr. Leyne: But in that presentation you said many times, you said these are facts, not assertions.

Secretary Powell: They were –

Mr. Leyne: Now you're saying –

Secretary Powell: No --

Mr. Leyne: -- well, we're not quite so sure about the facts. Do you not think you owe at least your allies something of an apology on that?

Secretary Powell: No. I think what I did on the 5th of February was present the facts as we knew them. We presented not just assertions; they were facts that were given to us by sources. This is intelligence. This isn't mathematics. And the intelligence community came together and said we stand behind this presentation and I stood behind the presentation at the time.

Now, what has not been challenged in what I said was that: one, the Iraqis have the intent to have such weapons of mass destruction and never given up that intent; second, they are keeping in place and have in place the capability to move forward in all of these areas if let free by the international community; third, they gave us a false declaration, they did not answer the questions that the UN had been asking of them for so many years.

The failure in my presentation subsequently is that we have not found weapons stocks. We have not found the stocks -- yet.

Mr. Leyne: Right. But you also said in that presentation that Iraq presents a real and present danger, not future danger, now; they're a danger now. How can that be the case, talking about what we now know?

Secretary Powell: Well, at the time, we believed it was the case and I think it was the case that if Saddam Hussein had ever been released from the constraints that the international community was placing up him -- and that was his sole desire in the beginning of 2003, to escape judgment, to escape judgment for 12 years of bad behaviour, 12 years of lying -- and if he had escaped judgment at that point, and the United States and the United Kingdom and other likeminded nations had not acted, I'm telling you right now, all the sanctions would be gone, all the constraints would be gone. Saddam Hussein would still be there, he would still have the intention, he would still have the capability, and he would be producing weapons of mass destruction and that would be a real and present danger.

And go talk to the people of Halabja where he used these weapons and killed 5,000 people in the spring of 1988 and see whether or not those survivors think that this individual with that kind of intention and capability is a real and present danger.

Mr. Leyne: How was the war in Iraq part of the war on terror, when the links with terrorism at the very least are tenuous, and you haven't found any WMD?

Secretary Powell: The link with terrorism was what I portrayed it to be in my presentation in February of 2003 to the United Nations. There were connections, there were links with terrorist organizations, the presence of Mr. Zarqawi was pointed out at that time and he's there now. I never overstated that or overplayed it.

And what we said that day, and what the President has said, is consistent with what the subsequent commissions that have looked at this have found. I think there is a nexus between a nation that is producing weapons of mass destruction and that does have linkages with terrorism. And it was that linkage that caused the President and Prime Minister Blair and Prime Minister Berlusconi and so many other world leaders -- Prime Minister Howard, President Aznar -- to believe that action was necessary and appropriate.

Mr. Leyne: Can you really say the world is a safer place as a result of the war in Iraq? Because many people think quite the opposite.

Secretary Powell: I'm absolutely sure that the world is a safer place with Saddam Hussein and that regime gone. Let's not lose sight of what the goal was and what we accomplished. The regime of Saddam Hussein is gone. A man who filled mass graves, a man who destroyed the economy of his people, a man who was moving in the direction of weapons of mass destruction and super-cannons, you may remember, that he was trying to build, and everything else he was doing.

Now, does that mean that everything has become peaceful and nice? No. We have a difficult situation in Iraq. And we will deal with this difficult situation. We will get the security under control. We will not let the remnants of this regime deny the people the benefits of the destruction of the regime.

Mr. Leyne: You, yourself, said Iraq isn't going anywhere. You said it in 2002. What changed?

Secretary Powell: It isn't going anywhere. It's there. The President made a decision, and I was a part of that decision and supported it fully, that he should take this problem to the United Nations and he did in September of 2002. He didn't declare war; he went to the United Nations and said for 12 years, this regime has been violating the instructions, the directives, the orders of this international body. President Clinton found the same problem in 1988 -- in 1998, and he bombed Iraq for several days for the same reason. And Iraq used that as an excuse to get rid of the inspectors who were supposed to be checking on them.

And so the President of the United States went to the international community at my recommendation and the recommendation of all of the other security advisors. But it was principally my recommendation, "Take this problem to the UN."

And as we go down this UN path, we may find one of two things at a fork in the road: the UN has acted properly and Iraq has come into compliance, and if it doesn't, the UN is willing to act; or Iraq does not come into compliance and the UN is unwilling to act. And under that case, it may be necessary for likeminded nations in the coalition to act. And we were all together in that. There's no question that this individual Secretary of State Colin Powell was not in for this, did not believe that this problem had to be dealt with, either diplomatically, through the use of the United Nations and the compliance of Saddam Hussein, or through the use of force. The President came to that fork in the road; he came to it with Prime Minister Blair, he came to it with President Aznar and so many other world leaders, and they made a judgment, the correct judgment, which I supported fully, that military action was now appropriate.

Mr. Leyne: One very brief question. Your legacy as Secretary of State or what is going to -- what is the case now? The United States is as unpopular around the world as it's ever been. How do you feel about that as your legacy of Secretary of State?

Secretary Powell: The United States will get through this period of unpopularity. We've seen periods like this before. The last really unpopular moment I remember was when we introduced Pershing missiles and GLCM missiles into Europe to check the Soviet's SS-20s in the mid-'80s. And people were marching up and down Greenham Common and all sorts of other places and we were wildly unpopular.

And three years later, four years later, I was privileged to be the National Security Advisor when we negotiated, along with Secretary George Shultz, with the Russians, an agreement to eliminate all of those weapons. And it was a great success, but it started at a period of great disappointment and unhappiness with U.S. policies.

We believe that if our policies are right, and if we have done the right thing, that ultimately, people will see we have done the right thing. In this case, we did the right thing. We got rid of Saddam Hussein. We got rid of a terrible regime that did terrible things to their people and caused great instability in that part of the world. And if it was not for the security problem that we're having right now in Iraq, if that could be dealt with right away, people would be congratulating the coalition for the reconstruction effort that's underway, for the democracy building effort that's underway, for the writing of a constitution. And I am confident that in due course, all of that will be clear to the world and you will start to see this attitude change.

You'll also see that as the President continues to engage in the Middle East peace process -- we had a Quartet envoys meeting over the last 24 hours -- we're going to stay engaged with it. People will see that we are trying to bring a solution to that difficult issue as well between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

History will look back on the legacy of this Administration and perhaps my own contribution to it favourably; I'm not worried about that. What we have to do is do the right thing, and we believe we're doing the right thing, and take the slings and arrows of outrageous public opinion, which tends to be transient and transitory.

Mr. Leyne: Mr. Secretary, thank you very much.

Secretary Powell: Thank you.

(end transcript)

24 June 2004
<http://www.usembassy.it/file2004_06/alia/a4062403.htm>

The Liberation of Baghdad is not Far Away

Editor's note: Coordinated attacks and skirmishes in several Iraqi cities on Thursday killed at least 66 people and wounded more than 250. Forty-four people were killed in a series of car bomb blasts in the northern city of Mosul and 216 wounded. Fighting in al-Anbar province, where there were clashes in Fallujah and Ramadi, killed at least nine people and wounded 27, and fighting around Baquba killed 13 and wounded 15.
BAGHDAD - On the eve of the so-called transfer of sovereignty to the new Iraqi caretaker government on June 30, former Saddam Hussein generals turned members of the elite of the Iraqi resistance movement have abandoned their clandestine positions for a while to explain their version of events and talk about their plans. According to these Ba'ath officials, "the big battle" in Iraq is yet to take place.
The Americans have prepared the war, we have prepared the post-war. And the transfer of power on June 30 will not change anything regarding our objectives. This new provisional government appointed by the Americans has no legitimacy in our eyes. They are nothing but puppets."
Why have these former officers waited so long to come out of their closets? "Because today we are sure we're going to win."

Secret Rendezvous
Palestine Hotel, Tuesday, 3pm. One week after a formal request, the prospect of talking with the resistance is getting slimmer. We reach a series of dead ends - until a man we have never met before discreetly approaches our table. "You still want to meet members of the resistance?" He speaks to my associate, a female Arab journalist who has been to Iraq many times. Talk is brief. "We meet tomorrow morning at the Babel Hotel," the man says before disappearing. Against all expectations, this contact seems to be more reliable than the ones we have previously tried.
               Hotel Babel, Wednesday, 9am. At the entrance of the cyber café, mobbed by foreign mercenaries, the man we saw the day before lays it down: "Tomorrow, 10 o'clock, al-Saadoun Street, in front of the Palestine. Come without your driver."
              We arrive at the meeting place on Thursday morning by taxi. The contact is there. After a brief "Salam Alekum" we get into his car. "Where are we going?" No reply.
            We drive for more than two hours. In Baghdad, even when traffic is not totally blocked by military checkpoints, traffic jams are permanent. In one year, more than 300,000 vehicles have been smuggled into the country. Every other car has no license plate and most drivers don't even know what "driver's license" means.
         "We'll be there soon. Do you know Baghdad?", asks our man. The answer is clearly no. To get oriented in the sprawling city, one must circulate freely, and on foot. With criminal behavior spreading like a virus, a wave of kidnappings, the 50 or 60 daily attacks against the occupation forces and the indiscriminate response of the American military, there's hardly any incentive to do any walking.
          The car stops in an alley, near a minibus with tinted windows. One of its doors opens. On board, there are three men and a driver carefully scrutinizing all the streets and houses around us. If we don't know at all what we are confronted with, our interlocutors seem to know very well who they're talking to. "Before any discussions, we don't want any doubts on your part about our identities," they say, while extracting some papers from inside a dusty plastic bag: identity cards, military IDs and several photos showing them in uniform beside Saddam Hussein. They are two generals and a colonel of the disbanded Iraqi army, now on the run for many months, chased by the coalition's intelligence services.
          "We would like to rectify some information now circulating in the Western media, that's why we took the initiative of meeting you." Our discussion lasts for more than three hours.

Back to the Fall of Baghdad
"We knew that if the United States decided to attack Iraq, we would have no chance faced with their technological and military power. The war was lost in advance, so we prepared the post-war. In other words: the resistance. Contrary to what has been largely said, we did not desert after American troops entered the center of Baghdad on April 5, 2003. We fought a few days for the honor of Iraq - not Saddam Hussein - then we received orders to disperse." Baghdad fell on April 9: Saddam and his army where nowhere to be seen.
"As we have foreseen, strategic zones fell quickly under control of the Americans and their allies. For our part, it was time to execute our plan. Opposition movements to the occupation were already organized. Our strategy was not improvised after the regime fell." This plan B, which seems to have totally eluded the Americans, was carefully organized, according to these officers, for months if not years before March 20, 2003, the beginning of Operation Iraqi Freedom.
The objective was "to liberate Iraq and expel the coalition. To recover our sovereignty and install a secular democracy, but not the one imposed by the Americans. Iraq has always been a progressive country, we don't want to go back to the past, we want to move forward. We have very competent people," say the three tacticians. There will be of course no names as well as no precise numbers concerning the clandestine network. "We have sufficient numbers, one thing we don't lack is volunteers."

Fallujah
The lethal offensive of the American troops in Fallujah in March has been the turning point as far as the resistance is concerned. The indiscriminate pillage by American soldiers during their search missions (according to many witnesses) and the sexual humiliation inflicted to prisoners, including Abu Ghraib in Baghdad, have only served to magnify the anger felt by most Iraqis. "There's no more trust, it will be hard to regain it." According to these resistance leaders, "We have reached the point of no return."
             This is exactly the point of view of a Shi'ite woman we had met two days earlier - a former undercover opposition militant against Saddam: "The biggest mistake of the occupation forces was to despise our traditions and our culture. They are not satisfied with having bombed our infrastructure, they tried to destroy our social system and our dignity. And this we cannot allow. The wounds are deep and the healing will take long. We prefer to live under the terror of one of our own than under the humiliation of a foreign occupation."
       According to Saddam's generals, "more than a year after the beginning of the war, insecurity and anarchy still dominate the country. Because of their incapacity to control the situation and to maintain their promises, the Americans have antagonized the population as a whole. The resistance is not limited to a few thousand activists. Seventy-five percent of the population supports us and helps us, directly and indirectly, volunteering information, hiding combatants or weapons. And all this despite the fact that many civilians are caught as collateral damage in operations against the coalition and collaborators."
          Who do they regard as "collaborators"? "Every Iraqi or foreigner who works with the coalition is a target. Ministries, mercenaries, translators, businessmen, cooks or maids, it doesn't matter the degree of collaboration. To sign a contract with the occupier is to sign your death certificate. Iraqi or not, these are traitors. Don't forget that we are at war."
           The resistance's means of dissuasion led to an ever-shrinking list of candidates to key government posts proposed by the coalition, and this in a country ravaged by 13 years of embargo and two wars where unemployment has been a crucial problem. The ambient chaos is not the only reason preventing people from resuming professional activity. If the Americans, quickly overwhelmed by the whole situation, had to take the decision to reinstate former Ba'athists (policemen, secret service agents, military, officials at the oil ministry), this does not apply to everybody. The majority of victims of administrator L Paul Bremer's decree of May 16, 2003 applying the de-Ba'athification of Iraq is still clandestine.

The Network
Essentially composed by Ba'athists (Sunni and Shi'ite), the resistance currently regroups "all movements of national struggle against the occupation, without confessional, ethnic or political distinction. Contrary to what you imagine in the West, there is no fratricide war in Iraq. We have a united front against the enemy. From Fallujah to Ramadi, and including Najaf, Karbala and the Shi'ite suburbs of Baghdad, combatants speak with a single voice. As to the young Shi'ite leader Muqtada al-Sadr, he is, like ourselves, in favor of the unity of the Iraqi people, multiconfessional and Arab. We support him from a tactical and logistical perspective."
Every Iraqi region has its own combatants and each faction is free to choose its targets and its modus operandi. But as time goes by, their actions are increasingly coordinated. Saddam's generals insist there is no rivalry among these different organizations, except on one point: which one will eliminate the largest number of Americans.

Weapons of Choice
"The attacks are meticulously prepared. They must not last longer than 20 minutes and we operate preferably at night or very early in the morning to limit the risks of hitting Iraqi civilians." They anticipate our next question: "No, we don't have weapons of mass destruction. On the other hand, we have more than 50 million conventional weapons." By the initiative of Saddam, a real arsenal was concealed all over Iraq way before the beginning of the war. No heavy artillery, no tanks, no helicopters, but Katyushas, mortars (which the Iraqis call haoun), anti-tank mines, rocket-propelled grenade launchers and other Russian-made rocket launchers, missiles, AK 47s and substantial reserves of all sorts of ammunition. And the list is far from being extensive.
          But the most efficient weapon remains the Kamikazes. A special unit, composed of 90% Iraqis and 10% foreign fighters, with more than 5,000 solidly-trained men and women, they need no more than a verbal order to drive a vehicle loaded with explosives.
               What if the weapons' reserves dwindle? "No worries, for some time we have been making our own weapons." That's all they are willing to disclose.

Claiming Responsibility
"Yes, we have executed the four American mercenaries in Fallujah last March. On the other hand, the Americans soldiers waited for four hours before removing the bodies, while they usually do it in less than 20 minutes. Two days earlier, a young married woman had been arbitrarily arrested. For the population of Fallujah, this was the last straw, so they expressed their full rage against the four cadavers. The Americans, they did much worse to living Iraqi prisoners."
   The suicide attack which provoked the death of Akila al-Hashimi, a diplomat and member of the Iraqi Governing Council on September 22, 2003, was also perpetrated by the resistance, as well as the car bomb which killed the president of the Iraqi executive body Ezzedin Salim in May 17 this year at the entrance of the Green Zone (which Iraqis call the Red Zone, due to the number of resistance offensives).
          They are also responsible for the kidnapping of foreigners. "We are aware that the kidnapping of foreign nationals blemishes our image, but try to understand the situation. We are forced to control the identity of people circulating in our territory. If we have proof that they are humanitarians or journalists we release them. If they are spies, mercenaries or collaborators we execute them. On this matter, let's be clear, we are not responsible for the death of Nick Berg, the American who was beheaded."
      As to the attack against the UN headquarters in Baghdad on August 20, 2003: "We have never issued an order to attack the UN and we had a lot of esteem towards the Brazilian Sergio Vieira de Mello [special UN representative who died in the attack], but it's not impossible that the authors of this suicide attack come from another resistance group. As we have explained, we don't control everything. And we must not forget that the UN is responsible for the 13 years of embargo we have endured."
      What about the October 27, 2003 attack against the Red Cross in Baghdad? "This had nothing to do with us, we always had a lot of respect for this organization and the people who work for them. What would be our interest to attack one of the few institutions which has been helping the Iraq population for years? We know that people from Fallujah have claimed this attack, but we can assure you they are not part of the resistance. And we also add: for political and economic reasons, there are many who have an interest in discrediting us."

After June 30
"Resolution 1546 adopted on June 8 is nothing but one more web of lies to the eyes of many Iraqis. First, because it officially ends the occupation by foreign troops while authorizing the presence of a multinational force under American command, without stipulating the date of their removal. Second, because the Iraqi right to veto important military operations, demanded by France, Russia and China, was rejected. Washington has conceded only a vague notion of partnership with the Iraqi authority and did not think of anything in case of disagreement. Iraqis are not fools, the maintenance of American troops in Iraq after June 30 and the aid money they will get from the American Congress leave no doubt over the identity of who will really rule the country."
What about a possible role for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)? "If NATO intervenes, it's not to help our people, but to help the Americans leave this quagmire. If they wanted our well-being, they would have made a move before," say the three officers while looking at their watches. It's late and we have largely exceeded our allotted time.
"What American troops cannot do today, NATO troops won't be able to do later on. Everyone must know: Western troops will be regarded by Iraqis as occupiers. This is something that George W Bush and his faithful ally Tony Blair will do well to think about. If they have won a battle, they have not won the war yet. The great battle is still to begin. The liberation of Baghdad is not far away."

Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.

Alix de la Grange, Asia Times, 25 June 2004
<http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/FF25Ak07.html>

NATO Leaders Announce Agreements on Iraq, Other
Issues, Missions, June 28, 2004 [Extract]

(New Istanbul Cooperation Initiative to reach out to Middle East)

Istanbul, Turkey --- June 28, on the first day of the NATO Summit, leaders of the alliance released a series of fact sheets announcing agreements reached on Iraq, current missions, new initiatives and policies, relations with Russia and other partners, and the Olympic Games in Greece. The decisions reflect NATO's intention to shape international security and build stability through strong relationships and direct confrontation of new threats.

Iraq

Speculation on how NATO would respond to the pre-summit push of the Bush administration for a larger, defined role for the alliance in Iraq was answered June 28, when NATO said it would provide training for Iraq's security forces --- an affirmative response to a direct request from the Iraq interim government. Other allied nations are also encouraged to contribute to this effort.

In addition, the North Atlantic Council, NATO's governing body, is to begin urgent discussions on further proposals to support the new Iraqi government's security institutions, in keeping with U.N. Security Council Resolution 1546, which urges organizations to give assistance to the multinational force in Iraq.

28 June 2004
<http://www.usembassy.it/file2004_06/alia/a4062916.htm>

NATO to Train Iraqi Armed Forces

Leaders of the 26-member Nato military alliance have agreed to offer training to the security forces of Iraq's new interim government

The move was backed at a meeting of the alliance's heads of government in the Turkish city of Istanbul.

But it falls well short of US hopes that Nato would assume a major military role in Iraq.

And French President Jacques Chirac repeated his opposition to a Nato role inside the country.

Meanwhile, Turkish police clashed with hundreds of anti-war protesters near the summit venue.

Later on Monday, a small device exploded in front of a building used by the Turkish defence ministry in the capital, Ankara.

Initial reports suggested the bomb was a small explosion known as a percussion or blast bomb.

No injuries have so far been reported.

Nato Schedule Unclear

Nato's decision to support the Iraqi military came hours after the US transferred power in the country to the Iraqi administration.

However, a statement issued by the alliance did not clarify the number of instructors to be deployed and the timing of the operation.

It is also unclear whether the training will be done inside or outside Iraq. Nato Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer said later that the training could be carried out in-country or elsewhere.

Nato's offer of help followed an urgent request from interim Iraqi Prime Minister Iyad Allawi.

“We have decided today to offer Nato's assistance to the government of Iraq with the training of its security forces," the Nato statement said.

"We therefore also encourage nations to contribute to the training of the Iraqi armed forces."

The statement also offered support to Iraq's new interim government, and condemned "terrorist attacks" in the country.

Chirac Critical

Correspondents say the vagueness of the statement reflects the fact that member countries such as France - a key opponent of the US-led invasion of Iraq last year - were said to be reluctant to get too heavily involved.

"I do not believe it is (Nato's) mission to intervene in Iraq," Mr Chirac told a news conference, later on Monday.

He said a formal Nato presence in Iraq would "not be in keeping" with the decision taken by alliance leaders earlier.

Mr Chirac said that having a Nato presence inside Iraq would be "misunderstood" and the negative impact would be "undoubtedly much greater" than the benefits.

Sixteen member nations have sent troops individually to join coalition forces in Iraq.

Nato has also agreed to the expansion of its operations in Afghanistan.

Its peacekeeping force will be increased to 10,000 troops during the planned September elections period.

It also agreed, as expected, to wind up the Nato peacekeeping mission in Bosnia- Herzegovina at the end of the year and to hand it over to the European Union.

The Nato-led Stabilisation Force (S-For) was deployed in Bosnia in 1995 after a US-brokered peace deal ended the war in the former Yugoslav republic.

The BBC's diplomatic correspondent, Jonathan Marcus, who is in Istanbul, says the summit will also begin a fundamental debate about the way Nato goes about funding and organising its military operations.

Petrol Bombs

As Monday's unrest broke out in Istanbul, police used batons, tear gas and water cannon to stop hundreds of protesters from approaching the conference centre in the centre of the city where the Nato leaders are meeting.

Protesters threw petrol bombs and stones as they clashed with security forces about three kilometres (two miles) from a barricaded zone surrounding the venue.

Twenty-six police officers and a number of protesters were injured, Istanbul Police Chief Celalettin Cerrah said.

CNN-Turk television said a large number of protesters were detained.

The leaders at the summit include US President George W Bush, British Prime Minister Tony Blair and French President Jacques Chirac.

A huge security operation was launched ahead of the summit involving 20,000 police officers.

Warplanes are patrolling the skies of Istanbul and Turkish commandos are patrolling the Bosphorus in boats armed with machine guns.

The disruption has been so severe that many large companies have told employees to stay at home on Monday and Tuesday.

28 June 2004
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/3846415.stm>

US Hands Back Power in Iraq

The US has formally handed over power in Iraq, two days ahead of schedule.

At a low-key ceremony in Baghdad, US administrator Paul Bremer transferred sovereignty to an Iraqi judge, before leaving the country by plane.

Iraq's interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, who also took part in the ceremony in the heavily-guarded Green Zone, said it was "a historic day".

In a more colourful ceremony hours later, Mr Allawi and his cabinet ministers were officially sworn in.

But even this oath-taking was held in secret.

The transfer was widely welcomed - the European Union and the Nato alliance both pledged their support for Mr Allawi's government.

US President George W Bush said coalition troops would remain in Iraq as long as the country needed them and the government had requested their presence.

He said the security situation in Iraq was "tough" - and Mr Allawi's government had to take strong measures against the "brutal, cold-blooded killer" Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, an al-Qaeda suspect said to be behind many anti-coalition attacks.

Later US Ambassador John Negroponte arrived in Iraq to head what will become the world's largest embassy.

UK Prime Minister Tony Blair said the day was "an important staging post" for the future of Iraq.

Mr Blair said Iraq was a frontline in the battle against terrorism.

The BBC's world affairs editor John Simpson in Baghdad says bringing the handover forward was a clever tactical move that wrong-footed the Iraqi resistance.

However, he says it actually underlines the US-led coalition's big failure - its inability to stop the violence.

Ex-Administrator

During the handover ceremony, Mr Bremer, describing himself as ex-administrator of the Coalition Provisional Authority, said the US-led coalition had come to liberate Iraq - as anyone who saw the mass graves left by Saddam Hussein could attest.

After formally taking office, he said the transfer of power was a "massive victory" for the forces of good in Iraq.

"I call on our people to stand united to expel the foreign terrorists who are killing our children and destroying our country," Mr Allawi said in a televised address.

He said the government's programme would be announced in the next few days - it would build a society for all Iraqis, irrespective of ethnicity, colour or region.

Our world affairs editor says now the interim government has taken over the job of trying to restore order, Mr Allawi knows he will be judged according to his success or failure.

'Challenge'

Mr Bush and Mr Blair - apparently the only leaders at the Nato summit aware that the handover was taking place - exchanged smiles and a brief handshake after consulting their watches.

But the surprise move was first disclosed by Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari, speaking after talks with Mr Blair at the summit.

Nato leaders endorsed a plan to help train Iraqi security forces.

The move followed an urgent request from Mr Allawi.

It is not yet clear when the training operation will begin, nor how many personnel will be involved.

French President Jacques Chirac told reporters the training would happen outside Iraq - and would be mostly done on a bilateral basis.

28 June 2004
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/3845517.stm>

Iraq Handover: Key Quotes

The formal transfer of power from the former Coalition Provisional Authority to the Iraqi interim government took place in a surprise, low-key ceremony in Baghdad's heavily-guarded Green Zone.

Iraq's interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi and the country's President Ghazi Yawar were present as US administrator Paul Bremer gave the legal documents to an Iraqi judge.

Later, at the Nato summit in Istanbul, US President George W Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair hailed the transfer of power and pledged their continued support for the new Iraqi administration.

Prime Minister Iyad Allawi

“This is something I have asked the coalition, to expedite the transfer of sovereignty. We are sure that the Iraqi authority now, the government of Iraq, will be handling the situation whether it is security or economy.

“This is a historic day... This transfer of sovereignty to an Iraqi government and the Iraqi people, we have been working hard. This is a big day for us... The security situation of our country now lies in our hands. We are going to announce the new measures today and tomorrow.

"We feel we are capable of controlling the security situation. We have been laying down strategies for protecting our people. The blood that has been spilled in Iraq has been spilled for a very good reason [in the cause of democracy and freedom]. The Iraqi government is determined to go ahead with elections on January 2 of next year."

Former Us Administrator Paul Bremer

“As recognised in UN Security Council Resolution 1546 the Coalition Provision Authority will cease to exist on June 28 at which point the occupation will end and the Iraqi interim government authority will assume and exercise full sovereign authority on behalf of the Iraqi people

“Anybody who has any doubts about whether Iraq is a better place today than it was 14 months ago should go and see the mass graves at Hillah or visit Halabja where Saddam gassed thousands of people or see any of the torture chambers or rape rooms around this country.

“It's a great pleasure to be here this day to formally hand over sovereignty on behalf of the coalition. As I leave Iraq I am confident in the future. You have said, and we agreed, that you are ready for sovereignty."

Iraqi President Ghazi Yawar

“This is a historic day, a happy day, a day that all Iraqis have been looking forward to. This is the time when we take the country back into the international community."

US President George W Bush

‘Fifteen months after the liberation of Iraq and two days ahead of schedule, the world witnessed the arrival of a full sovereign and free Iraq.

“This is a day of great hope for Iraqis and a day that terrorist enemies hoped never to see...Their bombs and attacks have not prevented Iraqi sovereignty and they will not prevent Iraqi democracy.

"Fifteen months ago, Saddam's regime was an enemy of America and the civilised world. Today, it is an ally of both.

"The Iraqi people will not stand alone... [American forces] will stay as long as the stability of Iraq requires."

British Prime Minister Tony Blair

“Today is obviously an important staging-post on the journey of the people of Iraq towards a new future.

"Many American servicemen have died. Many Iraqi civilians have died... They've all given their lives in the cause of trying to provide a different and better future to the people of Iraq.

"The strategy of these terrorists is to try and prevent Iraq becoming a symbol of hope... The battle for Iraq and its future is, in a genuine sense, the frontline in the battle against terrorism and the new security threat we face."

28 June 2004
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/3846091.stm>

Transfer of Power

Fourteen months after a coalition led by United States militarily occupied Iraq, power was transferred to an interim Iraqi regime along with a plethora of formidable problems on June 28, two days ahead of the scheduled date. The security of the newly "freed" state is in utter ruins, the once flourishing economy is virtually shattered and politically the country’s future is marked by grave anxiety. For the Iraqis the new dispensation is no more than an equal replacement for the tyrannical regime that ruled the country for decades. There is no certainty how the future will unfold as the Americans far from resolving some of the problems extant added more by tinkering with the existing delicate ethnic and sectarian division of power. There is every probability that the long suffering state would witness more violence as various forces initiate turf wars.

In fact it is the political future of Iraq that is of greater concern than its economy which has the wherewithal to improve itself. Fault lines which developed when the Saddam Hussein dispensation collapsed are already visible. Although no one for the time being expects the country to break up into two or more segments, the possibility remains that the present violence could veer out of control creating debilitating tensions that could be exploited by interested quarters. The continuing stationing of United States troops, which are deemed as necessary to strengthen the security of the state and the presence of an army of foreigners are certain to make the violence a growth industry.

The new leaders of the country are fresh entrants in administration and state management. They are even less familiarity with the kind of democracy that United States has tried to impose. Moreover, theirs is a stop gap regime as elections have yet to be held as required by the UN. It would only be then when the real face of power will be known. For the time being ensured of stability by the UN, the Iraqis have an opportunity to pick up the threads of normality of their lives.

Editorial, The News, 29 June 2004
<http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/jun2004-daily/29-06-2004/oped/editorial.htm>

Review of the Arab Press

Beirut, Lebanon, Jun. 29 (UPI) -- Arab press roundup for June 29, 2004:

Arab newspapers Tuesday focused on the handover of powers from the Coalition Provisional Authority to Iraq's interim government under Iyad Allawi two days ahead of June 30, when the event was scheduled.

Beirut's leading An- Nahar newspaper commented that the value of sovereignty could be measured only by developments that actually follow the official handover. Notably, this means whether the war-ravaged country will have enough security and stability to hold general elections for a legislative council, tentatively scheduled for early next year, to open the way for ending the occupation and launching Iraq's reconstruction process. "Any talk about complete sovereignty, complete powers, democracy and freedom will be meaningless until the government is able to meet the first and only challenge -- namely, the challenge of security," it said. The paper argued that there are two faces for security, "the face of occupation, which hasn't changed because one governor, Paul Bremer, left and another, John Negroponte, arrives and the occupation forces are still there." The other face is that of the resistance, which has proven in the past few weeks that it is organized and capable of dealing painful blows, by admission of the Americans themselves. This raises the question of how (Iraqi Prime Minister Ayad) Allawi is going to deal with the security situation and how the Americans are going to steer him, the paper said. "Allawi's success will be measured by the extent to which he is capable of convincing Iraqis that he is working for them and nor for the Americans," it added.

As Safir, Beirut's second mass-circulation daily, had an ironical comment, saying Baghdad "should have witnessed a scene similar to that of Hong Kong when the British handed it over to China" at the turn of the century. It said Chris Patten, the former governor of Hong Kong, "wept on the occasion, and television cameras carried pictures of him crying tears to all parts of the world." "Instead of such a glorious ceremony, there was a closed door ceremony in Baghdad in one of Saddam Hussein's palaces to hand over a document, the contents of which remain secret, in front of a small group of cameramen and a selected number of officials to witness what was supposed to be a historic moment," the paper said. It described the event as a "bad theatrical play whose script was written in a hurry, just like Paul Bremer had to leave Baghdad in a hurry to make room for the arrival of his successor, John Negroponte."

The London-based Arabic daily al-Quds al-Arabi carried its commentary under the headline "The handover funerals," noting that the move took place in a sad atmosphere and with great embarrassment amid total indifference of the Iraqi people. The paper said U.S. civil administrator Paul Bremer fled Iraq hours after the modest and secret handover ceremony. "Despite different views about the reasons for advancing the date of the handover, fears from military operations disrupting the ceremony remain the main most plausible cause," it said. "By handing over powers to the Iraqis two days earlier than scheduled and fleeing Iraq, Paul Bremer confirmed in an indirect way the victory of the resistance in that struggle. ... At the same time, he spared the U.S. administration a big embarrassment had the handover taken place under military attacks and the bombardment of the green zone in Baghdad, which was supposed to witness the big ceremony," the paper added. It argued that the new Iraqi government faces three main challenges -- notably, winning the hearts and minds of the majority of Iraqis, a mission in which the U.S.-led coalition forces failed dramatically, controlling security and restoring stability by curbing resistance attacks, and the trial of former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein and his senior aides. "It is fair to acknowledge that confronting these challenges will be very difficult, not only because the new Iraqi government is not qualified, but also because may Iraqis view it as an illegal and non-national administration," the paper said. It noted that the government lacks the basic requirements of sovereignty -- namely, a strong army and effective security institution and the absence of foreign occupation forces.

Jordan's semi-official al-Dustur newspaper described the handover as a turning point in Iraq's history regardless of existing conditions and circumstances. "New facts came up which did not exist since Iraq's foreign occupation, namely the departure of U.S. civil administrator Paul Bremer, and the swearing in of the new president and prime minister," the paper said. It argued that questions about the prerogatives of the new government and its actual capability to control security cannot be answered immediately. "We should wait until the new leaders of Iraq show us how qualified they are in imposing the rule of law, running the country's public institutions and ensuring security and protection for the Iraqi people. ... We have to admit that the power handover is only one step on the thousand-mile hard road toward independence and full sovereignty and security," it added.

Washington Times, 29 June 2004
http://www.washingtontimes.com/upi-breaking/20040629-094634-9004r.htm

Iraqis Have Lived This Lie Before

The British transfer of sovereignty in the 20s was equally meaningless

In Iraq, we have an expression: same donkey, different saddle. Iraq's long-heralded interim government has now formally assumed sovereignty. Official labels and tags have duly changed. The US administrator will now be an ambassador, while Sheikh Ghazi al Yawar and Iyad Allawi, US-appointed members of the former governing council, are to be known as president and prime minister.
      To formalise the change, the UN has already issued a resolution under which "multinational forces" will replace "US-led forces". On the issue of control over US troops, the message is clear: the US forces are there to stay only because "Iraqi people" has asked them to. But which Iraqi people? Do they mean the new administration headed by the CIA's Iyad Allawi? And why does all this sound strangely familiar?
        In Iraq we don't just read history at school - we carry it within ourselves. It's no wonder, then, that we view what is happening in Iraq now of "liberation-mandate-nominal sovereignty" as a replay of what took place in the 1920s and afterwards.
          On April 28 1920, Britain was awarded a mandate over Iraq by the League of Nations to legitimise its occupation of the country. The problems proved enormous. The British administration in Baghdad was short of funds, and had to face the resentment of the majority of Iraqis against foreign rule, which boiled over that year into a national uprising. In the aftermath, the British high commissioner had to come up with a solution to reduce the British loss of lives.
          A decision was taken to replace the occupation with a provisional Iraqi government, assisted by British advisers under the authority of the high commissioner of Iraq. Finding a suitable ruler was not easy,.
        On the August 21 1921 Gertrude Bell, Oriental secretary to the high commissioner, wrote to her father about the transfer of sovereignty to Iraqis. She mentions some of her Iraqi "pals" and enemies, descendants of whom are playing similar roles in Iraq today: "Muzahim Pachachi (the one who made the speech in English at our tea party at Basra). And another barrister whom you don't know, Rauf Beg Chadirji, a pal of mine. And still more splendid was one of the sheikhs of the northern shammar, Ajil al Yawar; I had seen him in 1917 when he came in to us". Then she refers to "Saiyid Muhammad Sadr ... a tall black bearded alim (cleric) with a sinister expression. We tried to arrest him early in August but failed. He escaped from Baghdad and moved about the country like a flame of war, rousing the tribes."

To the British government, control of Iraq's oil was a necessity. Iraqi national liberation movements called for "Istiqlal al Tamm" - complete independence - which was regarded by the British as "the catchword of the extremists". Any protest against the British-imposed monarchy was similarly regarded as the work of "extremists".

In 1930 a new treaty was signed which aimed to satisfy Iraqi aspirations for the coming 25 years, but the British retained their power, through military bases, advisers and control of oil. The monarchy proved an oppressive regime under which many opposition leaders were executed and thousands more were imprisoned. Elections were managed, corruption was widespread, bombing and military force was used against popular uprisings, chemical weapons were used against the Kurds. Popular uprisings followed in 1930, 1941 1948, 1952 and 1956. Between 1921 and 1958 Iraq had an astonishing 38 cabinets, some of them only lasting 12 days. The mainstay of a corrupt and docile regime was the presence of British forces on the ground. Is this what present-day Iraq has to look forward to?

Three major events have shaped our national identity. The 1920 revolution, the 1958 coup regarded by most Iraqis as a revolution that finally achieved real Iraqi independence - and the Palestinian cause. At the heart of the three lay the struggle to end occupation. Occupation has always been perceived as a process by which to rob us of our identity and dignity. The British, in the past, failed to understand the depth of the feeling among Iraqis both against occupation and towards the Palestinian issue. Now, in their partnership with the US, they are repeating the same mistakes.

As in the past, Iraqis are denied their natural right to resist the occupier and its imposed form of government. The "extremists" of our history are now called "terrorists".

Within a year the occupiers have achieved what Saddam's regime failed to do over decades. They have killed our hope in democracy. What of tomorrow? It would be useful to reread history and take notice of Al Istiqlal Al Tam and above all Miss Bell's warning about Iraq: "There are so many quick sands."

Haifa Zangana is an Iraqi-born novelist and former political prisoner

Haifa Zangana , The Guardian, 29 June 2004 <http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,1249508,00.html>

Iran Hails Iraq's Hand Over

TEHRAN, June 29: Iran said on Tuesday the US transfer of power to Iraqis was a "positive step" toward the holding of free elections and withdrawal of foreign troops.

"The hand over of Iraq's sovereignty to the interim government and the end of occupation based on UN Security Council Resolution 1546 is a positive step," foreign ministry spokesman Hamid Reza Asefi said.

"The interim government is expected to provide grounds for the restoration of full sovereignty, the real end of the occupation, and free and timely general elections," he added. "It is now different from the time of the occupation," said Asefi, quoted by Iran's official media. -AFP

Dawn, 30 June 2004
<http://www.dawn.com/2004/06/30/int7.htm>

A New Beginning in Iraq

"Now this is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning." Who better to sum up the importance of the news of Monday's transfer of power in Iraq than British Prime Minister Winston Churchill? When Churchill uttered these words, it was 1942 and the Allies were fighting the Germans in Egypt. There were three more years to go before World War II would be over.
       It would be nice to think that we can see the end of the U.S. deployment in Iraq, but that's yet too soon. What we can do is applaud the transfer of authority to Iraqis, which is movement in the right direction at least. Power was transferred from the Coalition Provisional Authority to the new interim government two days before planned, a crucial step toward rebuilding the country and achieving autonomy for its people. After all the ups and downs of the past year, and the escalating violence aimed at derailing the political process and driving Americans out, this was an extremely important day for Iraqis and coalition forces alike.
         The United States never set out to be an occupying power in Iraq, and it is not a role at which we have proven very adept. Our goal was to remove Iraq's weapons of mass destruction and to eliminate Saddam Hussein as a threat to the United States and others. The weapons programs have been eliminated, even if no stockpiles have been found, and Saddam today will be handed over to the tender mercies of the new Iraqi judicial authority for prosecution. After decades of terror and torture, he has a lot to answer to his own people for.
      A crowning achievement would be the establishment of a more or less democratic system of governance in Iraq, and an important step in that direction was the transfer of authority to the interim government, which will be in charge of drafting a constitution and scheduling elections. Most importantly, the interim government enjoys widespread support among Iraqis. "After decades of brutal rule by a terror regime, the Iraqi people have their country back," said President Bush, while attending the summit of NATO leaders in Istanbul, Turkey. For all the criticism and suspicion of U.S. motives in Iraq, here is proof once more that imperialism is not the American way.
         Another encouraging development yesterday was the agreement reached in Istanbul to give the alliance a role in Iraq's reconstruction. This has been a major goal for the Bush administration — and a step strongly advocated by Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry as well. Involving NATO helps to internationalize Iraq's reconstruction and extends to Iraq an international umbrella separate from that of the United Nations.
        Equally important, it shows that NATO still deserves to be called an "alliance" — even if it seems sometimes that this is just barely the case. The alliance has been on life support since the fateful row broke out in January 2003 — before the military action in Iraq — over whether NATO should assist Turkey in planning for military contingencies in the case of war. France, Germany and Belgium fiercely opposed this idea.
       Specifically, in Istanbul, the alliance's leaders accepted an eloquent request from Iraqi Interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi for NATO training of Iraq's armed forces. Mr. Allawi is now in charge of a pretty rag-tag force of 250,000 and badly needs help with the training of troops, police and border patrols. This is essential if we are ever going to hand the security of Iraq over to Iraqis themselves, which remains the goal.
       Typically, however, rather than look at the big picture and the good of the Iraqi people, the leaders of France and Germany chose to make the decision difficult by insisting that the Iraqis cannot be trained in Iraq. The reason is that the French and the Germans do not want the NATO flag to be flying in Iraq, a point of principle that leads to a nonsensical situation on the ground. Of course, the Iraqis should be trained where they will have to operate, and moving them elsewhere would cost far more. Similarly, internal NATO differences remain over the European contribution to Afghanistan, where the NATO flag is indeed flying, but Americans provide by far the greater bulk of the forces on the ground.
       There's tough sledding still ahead, no doubt about it, and Americans will continue to do most of the hard work, even if we have "allies" with us. Right now, however, let us take a deep breath, allow ourselves a moment of celebration, and hope for a better Iraq.

Helle Dale is director of Foreign Policy and Defense Studies at the Heritage Foundation.

E-mail helle.dale@heritage.org.

Helle Dale, Wasinghton Times, 30 June 2004
<http://www.washingtontimes.com/op-ed/20040629-090642-4568r.htm >

Qazi Made UN Envoy to Iraq

WASHINGTON, July 12: The UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan on Monday formally announced the appointment of Ashraf Jehangir Qazi as his special representative for Iraq.

"This is a wonderful compliment not just to myself but also to my country," Mr Qazi, who is currently Pakistan's ambassador in Washington, told Dawn.

"The secretary-general has informed the Security Council of his intention to appoint Ambassador Qazi of Pakistan as his special representative for Iraq," said a brief statement issued at the UN headquarters in New York.

The secretary-general, the statement said, reviewed a number of candidates and "considered a short list of three highly qualified persons". The statement identified the other two as a former foreign minister of Thailand, Surin Pitsuwan and a former foreign secretary of India, Salman Haider.

South Asian diplomatic sources in Washington say that the real tie was between Ambassador Qazi and Mr Haider but there were several factors that went in favour of Mr Qazi.

Officials in Washington hope that he would be able to use his diplomatic skills to reach out to the Iraqi people and bring peace to the war-devastated country. "I hope my appointment will be as helpful as possible to the great people of Iraq," said Mr Qazi when asked to explain his mission.

He, however, refused to comment on media reports that his appointment would make it easier for Pakistan to contribute troops to a UN-sponsored force in Iraq. "It is still too early for me to talk about policy matters," he said.

"I am humbled by this compliment and will try and justify the trust that has been shown in me by the secretary-general," said Mr Qazi. "I hope to be able to live up to the expectations of all concerned."

He said he would soon go to New York to get the necessary briefing and will also visit Pakistan before going to Iraq to consult the government, "but first I have to wind up my work in Washington, make farewell calls and complete other formalities". President Pervez Musharraf, he said, had not only given his consent for him to take up this assignment but also "supported me at every stage".

Pakistan Welcomes: Pakistan on Monday welcomed the appointment of its ambassador to the United States, Ashraf Jehangir Qazi, as special representative of the UN secretary- general, adds APP.

"It is a tribute to Ambassador's Qazi's proven competence and professionalism," Foreign Office Spokesman Masood Khan told APP here. Mr Khan said: "As the Ambassador takes this important and sensitive assignment, we wish him well. It is a matter of pride for Pakistan's Foreign Service." This assignment, he said, required leadership which Ambassador Qazi has demonstrated in his long and successful diplomatic career.

US Lauds: In Washington, the United States welcomed the appointment of Ambassador Ashraf Jehangir Qazi to the post of UNSG's special representative on Iraq. "We welcome it. We look forward to working with him at the United Nations, as we have worked with him in Washington as Pakistan's Ambassador."

Correspondent, Dawn, 13 July 2004
<http://www.dawn.com/2004/07/13/top6.htm>

Ashraf to Help in Political Transition

UNITED NATIONS, July 23: UN Secretary General's Special Representative for Iraq, Mr Ashraf Jehangir Qazi, said on Thursday that he would work as closely as possible with the Iraqi interim government to bring "the disparate elements in Iraq" into the political process.

He said he will focus on supporting national efforts to achieve the political transition. Mr Qazi, who is set to go to Baghdad as the head of the UN mission in mid-August, lamented that "so far no country has come forward to provide protection forces for the UN staff."

Security, Mr Qazi added, "is not only the first consideration - it is the first priority, the second priority and the third priority." "There is every reason for the Iraqi people to see the UN mission in Iraq as a mission in their service and for them, and it will be my job to strengthen that impression there," Mr Qazi said talking to reporters shortly after the press briefing with Mr Annan.

Mr Qazi said he would support the planned convening of a national conference, the creation of an Interim Council, the holding of elections by January 2005, "which would then lead to the post-electoral phase - drafting of constitution - and then finally an election under the constitution."

In this process, Mr Qazi said, he would work as closely as possible with the interim government and to bring "the disparate elements in Iraq" into the political process while consulting with neighbouring countries as well as the permanent members of the Security Council.

Earlier at a press briefing, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, while stressing the need to be "coldly realistic" about security, noted that the UN had already accomplished much despite constraints.
We have been able to help form an interim government. We have been able to work with them to put in place an electoral framework, a legal framework for elections, and they are counting on us to help them work their way through the electoral process until the elections next year, and also assist with the constitutional process," Mr Annan noted.

"But also, everyone must realize that beyond that, the circumstances have to be right for us to scale up our operations and activities and get into other areas like institution building and human rights, recovery and reconstruction."

He said that Iraqis "do believe that the UN has a vital role of assistance, of facilitation, to play in bringing about a successful political transition in which the entire Iraqi people are stakeholders.[“]

Masood Haider, Dawn, 24 July 2004
<http://www.dawn.com/2004/07/24/top5.htm>

Iraq TimeLine: February 1 2004 to Present [Chronology]

June 17 2004

George Bush responds to the 9/11 report by insisting there were links between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaida, while the Iraqi PM vows tough action after a suicide attack on an army base.

Bush: Saddam and al-Qaida were linked. Baghdad bomb kills at least 35

June 16 2004

The commission investigating the 9/11 attacks finds "no credible evidence" of a link between Iraq and al-Qaida, contradicting President George Bush's assertion that such a connection justified the toppling of Saddam Hussein.
Also, the political handover is dealt a blow as insurgents wreck pipelines and assassinate a top oil industry executive.

9/11 commission discounts Saddam-Bin Laden link

Vital oil exports halted after sabotage

June 14 2004

A car bomb rips through a convoy of vehicles carrying western contractors in central Baghdad, killing at least 13 people, including two Britons.

Two Britons among 13 killed by bomb in Iraq

Briton killed in Iraq was ex-soldier

June 13 2004

More than a dozen people killed, including a senior government official, in the latest in a wave of attacks on Iraqi politicians and security forces in Baghdad.
Wave of killings in bid to disrupt Iraq handover

June 12 2004

Gunmen kill a top Iraqi diplomat in the first high-profile assassination in the country since an interim government took over on 1 June.

Top Iraqi diplomat assassinated

June 10 2004

European, local and London mayoral elections are held in Britain in the largest test of electoral opinion since the war. The Liberal Democrats and the Respect coalition stand on an explicitly anti-war agenda.

June 9 2004

Tony Blair and George Bush issue a joint call for greater Nato involvement in Iraq. France rejects the plan. In Iraq, 12 resistance fighters and former members of Saddam's army are killed in Fallujah.

Bush and Blair call for greater Nato role in Iraq

12 killed in attack on Iraqi security force

June 8 2004

Iraq's new government is given international legitimacy by a UN Security Council vote to support the transfer of sovereignty from the US-led occupation.
15 people are killed by car bombs in Baquba and Mosul.

Security Council vote backs transfer of Iraq sovereignty

Iraq car bombs kill 15

June 7 2004

Americans and Mahdi army quit Najaf amid new releases from Abu Ghraib but the violence continues.

US drops call for Sadr's arrest in peace deal

June 4 2004

The Pope subjects George Bush to a very public, relentlessly critical assessment of the US administration's performance in Iraq, attacking "deplorable" abuses of prisoners and calling for an international solution to the country's crisis.

Bush takes a tongue-lashing from the Pope over Iraq

June 1 2004

The governing council names a tribal leader as president of the new government, after the US-backed candidate refuses to accept the post.
Bombs welcome new Iraqi president

May 28 2004

The 25 members of Iraq's US-appointed governing council choose a former Ba'athist turned CIA supporter to serve as the country's interim prime minister after the June 30 handover.

Allawi chosen as Iraqi prime minister

May 26 2004

The New York Times admits its coverage in the run-up to the Iraq war was 'not as rigorous as it should have been', while Downing Street denies claims that Tony Blair is at odds with George Bush over the extent of the new government's control of coalition troops.

New York Times admits failures in run-up to war

No 10 denies rift with Bush over control of troops

May 25 2004

PM Tony Blair falls out of step with the US on post-handover security arrangements, as Washington replaces its most senior general in Iraq over the prison abuse scandal at Abu Ghraib.

Blair jumps the gun on Iraqi veto

General in jail abuse scandal replaced

May 24 2004

US launches inquiry into Tehran's role in starting conflict as top Pentagon ally Chalabi accused of passing information.

The Bush administration tries to erase the recent shameful images of postwar Iraq by saying it would demolish Abu Ghraib prison, and discipline its commander.
US to demolish Abu Ghraib jail and punish its general

Two British civilians die as convoy ambushed

May 23 2004

Testimony puts Gen Sanchez on the spot.

Commander of coalition forces witnessed prisoner abuse, lawyer claims

May 20 2004

Ahmad Chalabi, the Pentagon's one-time protege, is humiliated when US officials and Iraqi police ransacked his private office in Baghdad.
Pentagon protege humiliated as US and Iraqi police raid Baghdad villa

May 19 2004

Iraqis claim more than 40 killed in US helicopter attack as a US soldier is sentenced to one year in prison in the first court martial relating to events at Abu Ghraib prison.

Wedding party massacre. Abu Ghraib soldier gets one year in jail

May 17 2004

The New Yorker magazine claims Donald Rumsfeld personally authorised the expansion of a special programme which ultimately led to the abuses in Abu Ghraib prison.

The head of the Iraqi Governing Council is killed in a suicide car bombing as he waits in his vehicle at a US-controlled checkpoint.

Rumsfeld accused on abuse

Car bomb kills head of Iraq ruling council
May 14 2004
The Daily Mirror admits that photographs it published of British soldiers apparently abusing Iraqi detainees are fake and says it has been the victim of a cruel hoax. Editor Piers Morgan is sacked.
The Guardian reports that ministers and Labour backbenchers have urged Tony Blair to recalibrate his approach to foreign affairs and publicly detach himself from the Bush administration.
Blair urged to loosen ties with US
Mirror editor sacked over hoax
May 13 2004
Donald Rumsfeld arrives in Iraq on a surprise visit aimed at boosting troop morale in the wake of the prison abuse allegations.

The UK government says the alleged prisoner abuse photographs published by the Daily Mirror were 'categorically not taken in Iraq'.

Rumsfeld pays surprise Iraq visit

Ingram: Mirror photos were faked

May 12 2004

Members of the US Congress see further images of abuses at Abu Ghraib, including photographs of guard dogs snarling at cowering prisoners and Iraqi women being forced to expose their breasts.

1,800 new pictures add to US disgust

May 11 2004

Nick Berg, a US hostage in Iraq, is shown being beheaded by Islamic militants in a video released on a website sympathetic to their cause. His killers claim the execution was to avenge the abuse of Iraqi detainees by US troops.
American beheaded in revenge for torture

May 10 2004

Iraq's first human rights minister, Abdel Bassat Turki, tells the Guardian that Paul Bremer was warned repeatedly last year that US soldiers were abusing Iraqi detainees. Tony Blair denies that he or his ministers knew about "specific allegations" of abuse of Iraqi prisoners by British troops before they read about them in the newspapers. Defence secretary Geoff Hoon, facing intense criticism over the government's handling of a Red Cross report into alleged abuses, admits that British forces broke the law when they forcibly placed hoods over the heads of Iraqi captives last year.

Bremer knew, minister claims

Blair: no prior knowledge of abuse claims

Troops broke the law, admits Hoon

May 7 2004

Donald Rumsfeld struggles to contain America's prisoner abuse crisis as he faces allegations at a Senate grilling that the maltreatment of Iraqi detainees is widespread and systematic.

A new recording attributed to Osama bin Laden offers rewards in gold for killing senior American and United Nations officials or citizens of any country that has troops in Iraq.

Rumsfeld: I won't quit

'Bin Laden' tape offers gold rewards
May 6 2004
Six Iraqis and one US soldier are killed when a car bomb explodes at a checkpoint on the edge of the US administrative zone in Baghdad.

The Washington Post publishes a new batch of photos showing abuse of Iraqi prisoners by the American military.

UN Backs Iraq Resolution

Security Council Endorses Formation of Sovereign Interim Government in Iraq

US Hands Back Power in Iraq

Iraq Handover: Key Quotes

Iraqis Have Lived This Lie Before

Security Council Endorses Formation of Sovereign
Interim Government in Iraq