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Fact Files Elections 2004 Editor Assistant Editor Contents
1.
Model Code of Conduct -
Election Commission of India
Model Code of Conduct Election Commission of India
Model Code of Conduct for the Guidance of the Political Parties and Candidates
I. General Conduct
II. Meetings
III. Processions
IV. Polling Day
V. Polling Booth Excepting the voters, no one without a valid pass from the Election Commission shall enter the polling booths. VI. Observers The Election Commission is appointing Observers. If the candidates or their agents have any specific complaint or problem regarding the conduct of elections they may bring the same to the notice of the Observer. VII. Party in power The Party in power whether at the Centre or in the State or States concerned , shall ensure that no cause is given for any complaint that it has used its official position for the purposes of its election campaign and in particular –
a. announce any financial grants in any form or promises thereof; or b. (except civil servants) lay foundation stones etc. of projects or schemes of any kind; or c. make any promise of construction of roads, provision of drinking water facilities etc.; or d. make any ad-hoc appointments in Government, Public Undertakings etc. which may have the effect of influencing the voters in favour of the party in power. Note : The Commission shall announce the date of any election which shall be a date ordinarily not more than three weeks prior to the date on which the notification is likely to be issued in respect of such elections.
Electoral System of India
Introduction India is a constitutional democracy with a parliamentary system of government, and at the heart of the system is a commitment to hold regular, free and fair elections. These elections determine the composition of the government, the membership of the two houses of parliament, the state and union territory legislative assemblies, and the Presidency and vice-presidency. Indian Elections - Scale of Operation Elections in India are events involving political mobilisation and organisational complexity on an amazing scale. In the 1999 election to Lok Sabha there were 1299 candidates from 7 National parties, 750 candidates from 40 State parties, 654 candidates from officially recognised parties and 1945 Independent candidates. A total number of 37,16,69,282 people voted out of total electorate size of 61,95,59,944. The Election Commission employed almost 40,00,000 people to run the election. A vast number of civilian police and security forces were deployed to ensure that the elections were carried out peacefully. Constituencies & Reservation of Seats The country has been divided into 543 Parliamentary Constituencies, each of which returns one MP to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament. The size and shape of the parliamentary constituencies are determined by an independent Delimitation Commission, which aims to create constituencies which have roughly the same population, subject to geographical considerations and the boundaries of the states and administrative areas. How Constituency Boundaries are Drawn Up Delimitation is the redrawing of the boundaries of parliamentary or assembly constituencies to make sure that there are, as near as practicable, the same number of people in each constituency. In India boundaries are meant to be examined after the ten-yearly census to reflect changes in population, for which Parliament by law establishes an independent Delimitation Commission, made up of the Chief Election Commissioner and two judges or ex-judges from the Supreme Court or High Court. However, under a constitutional amendment of 1976, delimitation was suspended until after the census of 2001, ostensibly so that states’ family-planning programmes would not affect their political representation in the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabhas. This has led to wide discrepancies in the size of constituencies, with the largest having over 25,00,000 electors, and the smallest less than 50,000. Delimitation exercise, with 2001 census data released on 31st December 2003, is now under process.
Reservation of Seats The Constitution puts a limit on the size of the Lok Sabha of 550 elected members, apart from two members who can be nominated by the President to represent the Anglo-Indian community. There are also provisions to ensure the representation of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, with reserved constituencies where only candidates from these communities can stand for election. System of Election Elections to the Lok Sabha are carried out using a first-past-the-post electoral system. The country is split up into separate geographical areas, known as constituencies, and the electors can cast one vote each for a candidate (although most candidates stand as independents, most successful candidates stand as members of political parties), the winner being the candidate who gets the maximum votes. Parliament The Parliament of the Union consists of the President, the Lok Sabha (House of the People) and the Rajya Sabha (Council of States). The President is the head of state, and he appoints the Prime Minister, who runs the government, according to the political composition of the Lok Sabha. Although the government is headed by a Prime Minister, the Cabinet is the central decision making body of the government. Members of more than one party can make up a government, and although the governing parties may be a minority in the Lok Sabha, they can only govern as long as they have the confidence of a majority of MPs, the members of the Lok Sabha. As well as being the body, which determines whom, makes up the government, the Lok Sabha is the main legislative body, along with the Rajya Sabha. Rajya Sabha - The Council of States The members of the Rajya Sabha are elected indirectly, rather than by the citizens at large. Rajya Sabha members are elected by each state Vidhan Sabha using the single transferable vote system. Unlike most federal systems, the number of members returned by each state is roughly in proportion to their population. At present there are 233 members of the Rajya Sabha elected by the Vidhan Sabhas, and there are also twelve members nominated by the President as representatives of literature, science, art and social services. Rajya Sabha members can serve for six years, and elections are staggered, with one third of the assembly being elected every 2 years. Rajya Sabha - Nominated Members The president can nominate 2 members of the Lok Sabha if it is felt that the representation of the Anglo-Indian community is inadequate, and 12 members of the Rajya Sabha, to represent literature, science, art and the social services. State Assemblies India is a federal country, and the Constitution gives the states and union territories significant control over their own government. The Vidhan Sabhas (legislative assemblies) are directly elected bodies set up to carrying out the administration of the government in the 28 States of India. In some states there is a bicameral organisation of legislatures, with both an upper and Lower House. Two of the seven Union Territories viz., the National Capital Territory of Delhi and Pondicherry, have also legislative assemblies. Elections to the Vidhan Sabhas are carried out in the same manner as for the Lok Sabha election, with the states and union territories divided into single-member constituencies, and the first-past-the-post electoral system used. The assemblies range in size, according to population. The largest Vidhan Sabha is for Uttar Pradesh, with 403 members; the smallest Pondicherry, with 30 members. President and Vice-President The President is elected by the elected members of the Vidhan Sabhas, Lok Sabha, and Rajya Sabha, and serves for a period of 5 years (although they can stand for re-election). A formula is used to allocate votes so there is a balance between the population of each state and the number of votes assembly members from a state can cast, and to give an equal balance between state and national assembly Parliament members. If no candidate receives a majority of votes there is a system by which losing candidates are eliminated from the contest and votes for them transferred to other candidates, until one gain a majority. The Vice President is elected by a direct vote of all members elected and nominated, of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. The Single Transferable Vote System Election for the members of the Rajya Sabha and the President are carried out using the single transferable vote system. The single transferable vote system is designed to ensure more diverse representation, by reducing the opportunity for blocks of voters to dominate minorities. The ballot paper lists all candidates standing for election and the voters' list them in order of preference. A threshold number of votes, known as the ‘quota’ is set, which candidates have to achieve to be elected. For presidential elections the quota is set at one more than half the number of votes, ensuring that the winner is the candidate who gets a clear majority. For the Rajya Sabha the quota is set at the number of votes that can be attained by just enough MPs to fill all the seats but no more. Votes that are deemed surplus, those given to candidates who have already got a full quota of votes, or votes given to candidates who are deemed to be losing candidates, are transferred according to the voter’s listed preferences, until the right number of candidates have been elected. Independent Election Commission An independent Election Commission has been established under the Constitution in order to carry out and regulate the holding of elections in India. The Election Commission was established in accordance with the Constitution on 25th January 1950. Originally a Chief Election Commissioner ran the commission, but first in 1989 and later again in 1993 two additional Election Commissioners were appointed. The Election Commission is responsible for the conduct of elections to parliament and state legislatures and to the offices of the President and Vice-President. The Election Commission prepares, maintains and periodically updates the Electoral Roll, which shows who is entitled to vote, supervises the nomination of candidates, registers political parties, monitors the election campaign, including candidates’ funding. It also facilitates the coverage of the election process by the media, organises the polling booths where voting takes place, and looks after the counting of votes and the declaration of results. All this is done to ensure that elections can take place in an orderly and fair manner. At present, there are two Election Commissioners appointed by the President. Chief Election Commissioner can be removed from office only by parliamentary impeachment. The Commission decides most matters by consensus but in case of any dissension, the majority view prevails. The Commission has its headquarters in New Delhi, with a Secretariat of some 300 staff members. At the state level a Chief Electoral Officer with a core staff of varying numbers, is available on a full time basis. At the district and constituency level, officers and staff of the civil administration double up as Election officials. During actual conduct of elections, a vast number of additional staff are temporarily drafted for about two weeks. They function mainly as polling and counting officials. Who Can Vote? The democratic system in India is based on the principle of universal adult suffrage; that any citizen over the age of 18 can vote in an election (before 1989 the age limit was 21). The right to vote is irrespective of caste, creed, religion or gender. Those who are deemed unsound of mind, and people convicted of certain criminal offences are not allowed to vote. There has been a general increase in the number of people voting in Indian elections. In 1952 61.16 per cent of the electorate voted. By 1999 the turnout for the general election was 59.99 per cent. There have been even more rapid increases in the turnout of women and members of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, who had tended to be far less likely to participate in elections, and voting for these groups has moved closer to the national average. The Electoral Roll The electoral roll is a list of all people in the constituency who are registered to vote in Indian Elections. Only those people with their names on the electoral roll are allowed to vote. The electoral roll is normally revised every year to add the names of those who are to turn 18 on the 1st January of that year or have moved into a constituency and to remove the names of those who have died or moved out of a constituency. If you are eligible to vote and are not on the electoral roll, you can apply to the Electoral Registration Officer of the constituency, who will update the register. The updating of the Electoral Roll only stops during an election campaign, after the nominations for candidates have closed. Computerisation of Rolls In 1998 the Commission took a historic decision to computerise the entire electoral rolls of 620 million voters. this work has been completed and now well printed electoral rolls are available. The photo identity card number of the voter has also been printed in the electoral rolls, for cross linking. The books of individual Parliamentary constituency rolls have also been put on CDs Rom. Both books and CDs are available for sale to general public. National and State parties are provided copies of such books and CDs free of cost after every revision of electoral rolls. Electors' Photo Identity Cards In an attempt to improve the accuracy of the electoral roll and prevent electoral fraud, the Election Commission ordered the making of photo identity cards for all voters in the country in Aug, 1993. To take advantage of latest technological innovations, the Commission issued revised guidelines for EPIC Programme in May 2000. More than 400 million Identity cards has been distributed till now. When do Elections Take Place? Elections for the Lok Sabha and every State Legislative Assembly have to take place every five years, unless called earlier. The President can dissolve Lok Sabha and call a general election before five years is up, if the government can no longer command the confidence of the Lok Sabha, and if there is no alternative government available to take over. Governments have found it increasingly difficult to stay in power for the full term of a Lok Sabha in recent times, and so elections have often been held before the five-year limit has been reached. A constitutional amendment passed in 1975, as part of the government declared emergency, postponed the election due to be held in 1976. This amendment was later rescinded, and regular elections resumed in 1977. Holding of regular elections can only be stopped by means of a constitutional amendment and in consultation with the Election Commission, and it is recognised that interruptions of regular elections are acceptable only in extraordinary circumstances. Scheduling the Elections When the five-year limit is up, or the legislature has been dissolved and new elections have been called, the Election Commission puts into effect the machinery for holding an election. The constitution states that there can be no longer than 6 months between the last session of the dissolved Lok Sabha and the recalling of the new House, so elections have to be concluded before then. In a country as huge and diverse as India, finding a period when elections can be held throughout the country is not simple. The Election Commission, which decides the schedule for elections, has to take account of the weather - during winter constituencies may be snow-bound, and during the monsoon access to remote areas restricted -, the agricultural cycle - so that the planting or harvesting of crops is not disrupted, exam schedules - as schools are used as polling stations and teachers employed as election officials, and religious festivals and public holidays. On top of this there are the logistical difficulties that go with holding an election - sending out ballot boxes, setting up polling booths, recruiting officials to oversee the elections. Who can Sand for Election? Any Indian citizen who is registered as a voter and is over 25 years of age is allowed to contest elections to the Lok Sabha or State Legislative Assemblies. For the Rajya Sabha the age limit is 30 years. Candidates for the Rajya Sabha and Vidhan Sabha should be a resident of the same state as the constituency from which they wish to contest. Every candidate has to make a deposit of Rs. 10,000/- for Lok Sabha election and 5,000/- for Rajya Sabha or Vidhan Sabha elections, except for candidates from the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes who pay half of these amounts. The deposit is returned if the candidate receives more than one-sixth of the total number of valid votes polled in the constituency. Nominations must be supported at least by one registered elector of the constituency, in the case of a candidate sponsored by a registered Party and by ten registered electors from the constituency in the case of other candidates. Returning Officers, appointed by the Election Commission, are put in charge to receive nominations of candidates in each constituency, and oversee the formalities of the election. In a number of seats in the Lok Sabha and the Vidhan Sabha, the candidates can only be from either one of the scheduled castes or scheduled tribes. The number of these reserved seats is meant to be approximately in proportion to the number of people from scheduled castes or scheduled tribes in each state. There are currently 79 seats reserved for the scheduled castes and 41 reserved for the scheduled tribes in the Lok Sabha. Number of Candidates The number of candidates contesting each election steadily increased. In the general election of 1952 the average number of candidates in each constituency was 3.8; by 1991 it had risen to 16.3, and in 1996 stood at 25.6. As it was far too easy for ‘frivolous’ candidates to stand for election, certain remedial measures were taken in August 1996, which included increasing the size of the deposit and making the number of people who have to nominate a candidate larger. The impact of such measures was quite considerable at the elections which were subsequently held. As a result, in 1998 Lok Sabha elections, the number of candidates came down to an average of 8.74 per constituency. In 1999 Lok Sabha elections, it was 8.6. Campaign The campaign is the period when the political parties put forward their candidates and arguments with which they hope to persuade people to vote for their candidates and parties. Candidates are given a week to put forward their nominations. These are scrutinised by the Returning Officers and if not found to be in order can be rejected after a summary hearing. Validly nominated candidates can withdraw within two days after nominations have been scrutinised. The official campaign lasts at least two weeks from the drawing up of the list of nominated candidates, and officially ends 48 hours before polling closes. During the election campaign the political parties and contesting candidates are expected to abide by a Model Code of Conduct evolved by the Election Commission on the basis of a consensus among political parties. The model Code lays down broad guidelines as to how the political parties and candidates should conduct themselves during the election campaign. It is intended to maintain the election campaign on healthy lines, avoid clashes and conflicts between political parties or their supporters and to ensure peace and order during the campaign period and thereafter, until the results are declared. The model code also prescribes guidelines for the ruling party either at the Centre or in the State to ensure that a level field in maintained and that no cause is given for any complaint that the ruling party has used its official position for the purposes of its election campaign. Once an election has been called, parties issue manifestos detailing the programmes they wish to implement if elected to government, the strengths of their leaders, and the failures of opposing parties and their leaders. Slogans are used to popularise and identify parties and issues, and pamphlets and posters distributed to the electorate. Rallies and meetings where the candidates try to persuade, cajole and enthuse supporters, and denigrate opponents, are held throughout the constituencies. Personal appeals and promises of reform are made, with candidates travelling the length and breadth of the constituency to try to influence as many potential supporters as possible. Party symbols abound, printed on posters and placards. Polling Days Polling is normally held on a number of different days in different constituencies, to enable the security forces and those monitoring the election to keep law and order and ensure that voting during the election is fair. Ballot Papers & Symbols After nomination of candidates is complete, a list of competing candidates is prepared by the Returning Officer, and ballot papers are printed. Ballot papers are printed with the names of the candidates (in languages set by the Election Commission) and the symbols allotted to each of the candidates. Candidates of recognised Parties are allotted their Party symbols. How the Voting Takes Place? Voting is by secret ballot. Polling stations are usually set up in public institutions, such as schools and community halls. To enable as many electors as possible to vote, the officials of the Election Commission try to ensure that there is a polling station within 2km of every voter, and that no polling stations should have to deal with more than 1500 voters. Each polling station is open for at least 8 hours on the day of the election. On entering the polling station, the elector is checked against the Electoral Roll, and allocated a ballot paper. The elector votes by marking the ballot paper with a rubber stamp on or near the symbol of the candidate of his choice, inside a screened compartment in the polling station. The voter then folds the ballot paper and inserts it in a common ballot box which is kept in full view of the Presiding Officer and polling agents of the candidates. This marking system eliminates the possibility of ballot papers being surreptitiously taken out of the polling station or not being put in the ballot box. Since 1998, the Commission has increasingly used Electronic Voting Machines instead of ballot boxes. In 2003, all state elections and bye elections were held using EVMs. Encouraged by this the Commission has taken a historic decision to use only EVMs for the Lok Sabha election due in 2004. Political Parties and Elections Political parties are an established part of modern mass democracy, and the conduct of elections in India is largely dependent on the behaviour of political parties. Although many candidates for Indian elections are independent, the winning candidates for Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections usually stand as members of political parties, and opinion polls suggest that people tend to vote for a party rather than a particular candidate. Parties offer candidates organisational support, and by offering a broader election campaign, looking at the record of government and putting forward alternative proposals for government, help voters make a choice about how the government is run. Registration with Election Commission Political parties have to be registered with the Election Commission. The Commission determines whether the party is structured and committed to principles of democracy, secularism and socialism in accordance with the Indian Constitution and would uphold the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India. Parties are expected to hold organisational elections and have a written constitution. The Anti-defection law, passed in 1985, prevents MPs or MLAs elected as candidates from one party forming or joining a new party, unless they comprise more than one-third of the original party in the legislature. Recognition and Reservation of Symbols According to certain criteria, set by the Election Commission regarding the length of political activity and success in elections, parties are categorised by the Commission as National or State parties, or simply declared registered-unrecognised parties. How a party is classified determines a party’s right to certain privileges, such as access to electoral rolls and provision of time for political broadcasts on the state-owned television and radio stations - All India Radio and Doordarshan - and also the important question of the allocation of the party symbol. Party symbols enable illiterate voters to identify the candidate of the party they wish to vote for. National parties are given a symbol that is for their use only, throughout the country. State parties have the sole use of a symbol in the state in which they are recognised as such Registered-unrecognised parties can choose a symbol from a selection of ‘free’ symbols. Limit on Poll Expenses There are tight legal limits on the amount of money a candidate can spend during the election campaign. Since December 1997, in most Lok Sabha constituencies the limit was Rs 15,00,000/-, although in some States the limit is Rs 6,00,000/- (for Vidhan Sabha elections the highest limit is Rs 6,00,000/- the lowest Rs 3,00,000/-). Recent amendment in October 2003 has increased these limits. For Lok Sabha seats in bigger states, it is now Rs 25,00,000. In other states and Union Territories, it varies between Rs 10,00,000 to Rs 25,00,000. Similarly, for Assembly seats, in bigger states, it is now Rs 10,00,000, while in other states and Union Territories, it varies between Rs 5,00,000 to Rs 10,00,000. Although supporters of a candidate can spend as much as they like to help out with a campaign, they have to get written permission of the candidate, and whilst parties are allowed to spend as much money on campaigns as they want, recent Supreme Court judgments have said that, unless a political party can specifically account for money spent during the campaign, it will consider any activities as being funded by the candidates and counting towards their election expenses. The accountability imposed on the candidates and parties has curtailed some of the more extravagant campaigning that was previously a part of Indian elections. Free Campaign Time on State Owned Electronic Media By Election Commission, all recognised National and State parties have been allowed free access to the state owned electronic media-AIR and Doordarshan- on an extensive scale for their campaigns during elections. The total free time allocated extends over 122 hours on the state owned Television and Radio channels. This is allocated equitably by combining a base limit and additional time linked to poll performance of the party in recent election. Splits and Mergers and Anti-Defection Law Splits, mergers and alliances have frequently disrupted the compositions of political parties. This has led to a number of disputes over which section of a divided party gets to keep the party symbol, and how to classify the resulting parties in terms of national and state parties. The Election Commission has to resolve these disputes, although its decisions can be challenged in the courts. Election Petitions Any elector or candidate can file an election petition if he or she thinks there has been malpractice during the election. An election petition is not an ordinary civil suit, but treated as a contest in which the whole constituency is involved. Election petitions are tried by the High Court of the State involved, and if upheld can even lead to the restaging of the election in that constituency.
Supervising Elections, Election Observers The Election Commission appoints a large number of Observers to ensure that the campaign is conducted fairly, and that people are free to vote as they choose. Election expenditure Observers keeps a check on the amount that each candidate and party spends on the election. Counting of Votes After the polling has finished, the votes are counted under the supervision of Returning Officers and Observers appointed by the Election Commission. After the counting of votes is over, the Returning Officer declares the name of the candidate to whom the largest number of votes have been given as the winner, and as having been returned by the constituency to the concerned house. Media Coverage In order to bring as much transparency as possible to the electoral process, the media are encouraged and provided with facilities to cover the election, although subject to maintaining the secrecy of the vote. Media persons are given special passes to enter polling stations to cover the poll process and the counting halls during the actual counting of votes.
<http://www.eci.gov.in/infoeci/elec_sys/elecsys_fs.htm>
Indian Politics at the Crossroads: Toward Elections 2004
Aijaz Ahmad reflects on a few events and issues of the past that are likely to set the tone for the forthcoming general elections. Exclusive extracts from the just released book. DRAFTED in the closing days of 2003, this article begins with some reflections on a terrifying interregnum between four state assembly elections, three of which the BJP has swept, and the Lok Sabha elections which the BJP-led central government of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) is trying to hold as quickly as possible, perhaps in March-April 2004. The BJP's electoral victories in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh closely followed upon a similar sweep in Gujarat a year earlier, which itself followed the logic of the communal pogrom in that state in February/March 2002. Together, these events can be viewed as constituting a qualitatively new stage in the Hindutva offensive which began with the Ayodhya-driven Lok Sabha elections of 1989 and will likely set the tone not only for the forthcoming national elections but also for further Hindutva offensives in such key states as Karnataka, Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh over the next year or two ... * * * ... Immediately after the polls, Vajpayee asserted vehemently that the issue of Hindutva was simply absent from the contests. In a sense he was right. It was the BJP's opponents — the so-called secular parties outside the Left — who had avoided that issue. If the Congress had made a bid to take part of the Hindu communal vote in Gujarat by inducting Vaghela, Digvijay Singh in Madhya Pradesh re-made himself and competed with Uma Bharati to show that he was as much of a Hindu devotee as her and even more devoted to cow protection; Bharati was not a good enough Hindu, he said, because her cake had eggs in it. Samajwadi Party (SP) — led by the man whom the Hindutva brigade used to call "Maulana Mulayam" — entered into an understanding with the BJP and won an unprecendented seven seats in MP where it otherwise had little presence. By contrast, the BJP's entire electoral drive was so focused on consolidating the RSS/VHP power that it need not have raised the issue of Hindutva and was indeed grateful that its main adversary did not raise it either. Vasundhara Raje has inherited the mantle of her mother who was an illustrious patron of the Sangh Parivar. Uma Bharati is, in her own generation, perhaps the most illustrious figure associated with the Babri Masjid demolition. Raman Singh and Dilip Singh Judev, who competed for chief ministership of Chattisgarh, are RSS veterans. Narendra Modi himself was a star speaker and is said to have drawn crowds larger than Vajpayee himself could; he was the most prominent presence on stage at Raje's swearing-in ceremonies. As in Gujarat, these electoral campaigns were tightly controlled on the ground by the RSS/VHP cadres, and many volunteers associated with these outfits were brought in from Gujarat and Maharashtra. The RSS has long been working in the tribal belts in all three states and the BJP finally cashed in on that work, winning 77 of the 99 constituencies reserved for the scheduled tribes there. In the Bastar region of Chhattisgarh, for example, the Congress had 10 seats out of 12 but now has none. In Rajasthan, the BJP won 26 of the 33 reserved for Scheduled Castes while the Congress tally came down from 31 to 5. In Madhya Pradesh, the Congress share of the adivasi vote fell from 60 per cent to 40 per cent. Indeed, caste analysis of the BJP vote shows a wide spread all the way from princely families to the powerful Jat lobby in Rajasthan, and from a variety of upper castes to OBCs and masses of adivasis across the three states, all led by a new generation of hard-core Hindutva functionaries ... ... A survey conducted by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) before the elections showed that a majority of the electorate was in fact satisfied with the performance of Congress state governments in Delhi, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh; only in Madhya Pradesh had Digvijay Singh made such a mess of public facilities — notably roads, power supply and electricity rates — that he was likely to be thrown out. However, only in Delhi did that popular satisfaction with the performance of government translate itself into votes. What, then, explains the debacle in Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh and the size of the defeat in Madhya Pradesh? Splintering of the non-BJP vote was surely a factor; even in Madhya Pradesh, all the seven SP victories were at the expense of the Congress. Had there been a united fight against the BJP, that united force would have won in Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan would have had at least a hung assembly. Then there was the money; Vasundhara Raje alone is known to have spent 8 crores. And the BJP is no longer associated with any particular segment of the caste spectrum; it cut into the Congress vote all the way from Brahmins and Thakurs to the Scheduled castes and tribes. Above all, the massive shift of the adivasis was surely decisive. The Congress had more or less monopolised this vote for fifty years. By now, the RSS has worked tirelessly among them for well over a decade through a variety of its front organisations while Congress governments, specially in Madhya Pradesh, did nothing to either counter that propaganda and mobilisation nor for contributing to the security and progress of adivasis; indeed, government-appointed police and forest officials were seen as primary agents of repression while RSS fronts often provided the counterweight and in the process did their work of saffronising the tribal identity. In all this electoral calculus, one simply cannot ignore the real and widespread hold of the Hindutva factor. Uma Bharati is not just another BJP leader. She, with her saffron robes and shaven head, embodies and personifies hard-core Hindutva without, at this late stage of her public career, having to make vitriolic speeches. Narendra Modi, the star vote-getter, is not just another Chief Minister from a neighbouring state; he represents the bloodlust of the Sangh parivar. Truckloads of RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal cadres were brought in from Gujarat and Maharashtra not just because they have experience in running electoral campaigns. They carried with them a certain kind of macho, aggressive, murderous personality which the new, saffronised political culture accepts and admires; they are the carriers and exporters of the Gujarat model. Not for nothing did the RSS keep the campaign planning tightly under its control, and not for nothing did Sudarshan himself hold tutorial sessions for the BJP MLAs immediately after the elections. ... The above narrative of recent events recalls some of the salient points I have been making in some of my previous writings for almost a decade. First, I have argued that never in history has the far right come to power on its own; it initially comes to power, rather, when the left gets isolated and the liberal centre collapses, parts of submitting itself to the dominance of the far right and other parts rendering themselves ineffectual through internecine quarrels and a politics of opportunism and incoherent tactics without any overall strategy of frontal confrontation. Second, it is the failure of the liberal order to offer radical solutions for mass misery which paves the way for the far right to make inroads among the immiserated — the wretched of this earth — with millenarian promises and to organize them into a fighting force under its own cultural and political hegemony; the experience of misery does not necessarily lead anyone to a politics of the left, it may equally well lead one to a politics of the radical right; all that depends on the organizational skills, resourcefulness and perseverance of those who do the organizing. No serious student of fascism would be surprised to see that, in the absence of a left challenge, it is the fascist right that has gained so massively among the adivasis; even a saffronised Hindu identity which comes with promises of power is very consoling for the powerless whose tribal identity is so widely despised and exploited. Third, the inherent advantage of the RSS is that it has built itself into a tightly-knit cadre organization and a fraternity of overlapping fronts run by its seasoned cadres, and that it represents a specific and comprehensive world-view — call it `culture' if you will — which gives to its members and affiliates a sense of political belonging, social coherence, even a sense of their place in the cosmos; something that the haphazard politicking of the contemporary liberal order in India, with a sense of neither direction nor mission, cannot match.
Fourth, this world-view, strongly "culturalist" as it is, is
also a comprehensive program of the Right: break-neck privatisation and
liberalisation, far-reaching integration of domestic capital with foreign
corporate capital in a relationship of subordination, relaxing of the
taxation and revenue regimes for the propertied classes, comprehensive
attack on the working class including an attack on hard-won rights such as
the right of government employees to strike, re-alignment of foreign and
defence policies with far right forces on the global scale, such as Israel
and the United States, and so on. This combination of saffronisation and
neoliberalism is thus a comprehensive attempt to dismantle the very
principles and visions upon which the Republic was initially founded: a
full-scale counterrevolution of sorts. * * * ... This has been a longish excursus on the successes of the Sangh Parivar, so as to take stock of what we are up against. However, this decade has also witnessed resistance to that power across the nation. The experience of the United Front Government demonstrates that a successful anti-fascist electoral alliance is in fact possible, and the experiment came to grief not because of the power of the Parivar but because of dissensions within the coalition, notably the Congress miscalculation as to its own chances of making substantial advances after pulling the rug from under the NF government. Similarly, the success of the no-confidence vote not only in 1996 but even in 1999 showed that the BJP-led government can be defeated on the floor of the House. The disarray among the forces released by `Mandal' accounts for their cumulative inability to stand up to `Mandir' and it is indeed shocking that the Sangh Parivar has made such inroads among the OBCs, dalits and even adivasis in diverse regions of the country. The vast majority of these forces nevertheless are outside its fold and sphere of influence. Politics of the oppressed castes is still the great unpredictable element in the future of Indian politics, and any consolidation of them against the brahminising project of the RSS still holds great potential for defeating this project; the BJP's stunning success among the adivasis in the recent assembly elections, outside Delhi, is very new and can be reversed through careful, concentrated and innovative work among them. Nor has the BJP been able to gain a parliamentary majority for itself at the federal level, despite a decade of communal fires and historic decline of the Congress; it still rules at the Centre by virtue of its coalition partners. Most of the allies in NDA are fickle and they back the BJP because it looks like a winning side; if a powerful anti-BJP combination emerges, the NDA itself may begin to break up. Outside (and alongside) the Left parties, the most courageous and dogged resistance has in fact come from small and large activists' groups, cultural organisations, grassroots anti-communal mobilisations, writers, artists, academics, and notable sections of the media including some influential sections of the electronic and print media. The cumulative spread and prominence of this resistance is possibly no less than that of the Hindutva brigade; what this resistance lacks, rather, is matching material resource, agencies of coordination, a "collective intellectual, a coherence, a strategy for accumulation of force. These are among our resources of hope. The real problem still is where it has been since the 1970s and has only been getting worse and worse as years and decades go by: the programmatic decay, internecine conflicts and disarray, and general directionlessness of what used to be the reform-minded liberal centre of Indian politics, with some sense of principle and social responsibility. The Congress itself was for long the main formation of this kind and a party that could have been described those days, borrowing from European terminology, a party of the Centre-Left. By now, the ideological drift within the Congress is so acute that it is no longer coherent enough to be called a party even of the Centre-Right. It has become so cynically pragmatic that it is quite capable of practising a very pragmatic kind of communalism time and again, as it did in the Gujarat elections clearly and in Madhya Pradesh indirectly; it shall do anything for electoral gain, and then gets bewildered when it finds out that this kind of impulsive shift from one tactic to another doesn't work. In the previous national elections it poured scorn on the idea of coalitions and alignments, going loftily alone, and came home with the worst electoral performance in its history. Now, after the spectacular defeats in Assembly elections and with national elections looming, it has suddenly reversed itself and seeks coalition and alignment with anybody and everybody who can help it garner the votes. At the heart of all these twists and turns is a programmatic vacuum, and its leader, Sonia Gandhi, often gives the impression of a lady thrashing around rudderless, in that vacuum. On the issue of communalism, it cannot mount a consistent, militant struggle against the RSS because it reserves the right to use its own `soft Hindutva' line wherever that line seems serviceable in its own pursuit of electoral opportunism. On the other major issues, notably the havoc the BJP's neo-liberal policies has caused for the masses of Indian workers and peasants, its own policies are indistinguishable from those of the ruling party. By now, the same could be said of virtually every other party as well, with the exception of the Left; Arun Shourie (BJP minister at the Centre), Chandrababu Naidu (TDP Chief Minister in Andhra and an ally of the BJP) and Digvijay Singh (the ousted Congress Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh) are all cut from the same cloth. In the meanwhile, all the potential as well as actual allies of both the BJP and the Congress are essentially regional satraps. Be it Mulayam or Jayalalitha, Naidu or Mamata: the fief in one's own state is what matters, national politics is manipulated for state-based gain, and, in virtually each state, the non-Congress regional satrap tends to be pitched against the Congress itself. Constituency-level analysis of the recent polls shows that the multiple divisions of the anti-BJP vote determined the size of its victory in Madhya Pradesh as well as the very fact of its victory in Chattisgarh and possibly in Rajasthan as well. Pooling together of this vote is essential. The heart of the electoral problem as we move toward the 2004 elections seems to be this. No single party, including the Congress, can give a credible fight to the RSS/NDA combine. The possibility of a third front, of the sort that put together the United Front (UF) government in 1996, has entirely receded from the horizon for the foreseeable future. All parties going it alone before the elections and seeking alliances afterwards will only lead to further splitting of the anti-BJP vote and an overall defeat will then have been snatched out of the jaws of a possible victory. No combination of parties can put together a winning combination without the Congress while the Congress, in its present state, cannot do it without radically reforming itself. In this situation, the Congress needs to do five things. (1) It must programmatically renounce the use of the `soft hindutva' card and mount a militant anti-Hindutva struggle on the level of each state as well as the national level, so that it can be seen as having adopted this as a strategic imperative; states like Karnataka are crying for this shift of posture. (2) It needs to enter into a programmatic revision of its outlook on economic policies, with respect to the execution of the whole range of neoliberal policies of the past and such policy projections into the future, with concrete proposal for undoing the harm that has been done and for protecting the working masses of this country from policies that are driven by imperialism and big capital; it must, in other words, re-build itself as a Centre-Left party and invite others to join it on the basis of such a programme. (3) It must stop pretending that it is the leading party of the country and that the regional antagonists (for example), Mulayam Singh in U.P.) are nobodies; it must offer them credible concessions for these regional alliances and must learn to live with less than what it considers its due in the particular case, in order to gain across the nation. (4) It must learn to live with the fact that certain anti-BJP parties will not join the coalition directly and it must hammer out with such parties bases for cooperation and alignment on the state level. And (5) The Congress must not project Sonia Gandhi as the future Prime Minister of India. She may continue to be the party President but it must (a) not project anyone or project someone of national stature as the future leaders of its own group of MPs in the future Parliament and (b) leave the question of actual Prime Ministership to deliberations after the poll results are in. The position of the Congress on these issues has to be open, consistent and vigorous. Chances for building a winning anti-BJP combination can thus vastly improve. I am drafting these lines on the first day of January 2004. Rumblings toward building such a combination are now very much in the air, and this month shall in any case be decisive if unity of this kind is to be obtained. The future is, as usual, open. Abridged extract from: Will Secular India Survive? edited by Mushirul Hasan, published by imprintOne, Rs. 800, distributed by Manohar Books, Delhi.
Aijaz Ahmad is a Professional Fellow at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi, and Professor of Political Science at York University, Ontario, Canada.
Aijaz Ahmed, The Hindu, 29 February 2004 <http://www.hindu.com/mag/2004/02/29/stories/2004022900020100.htm>
Foreign Policy in Opposition Poll Manifestos
Some implied agreements, considerable disagreements — this is the sum-total of the view of the Opposition parties — conveyed through their election manifestoes — of the government's handling of external relations. The area of disagreement is wider on defence and national security issues. Two other points stand out. One, references to the foreign policy are brief in the case of the two Communist parties and particularly so in the case of, Congress. This confirms the prevailing impression that the elections are being fought mainly on domestic matters. As such external relations and security issues have not attracted sufficient attention. Two, the Congress and the Left parties differ among themselves on some major aspects of these policies. First, the area of agreement. The Congress favours dialogue with Pakistan on all issues including Jammu and Kashmir, expansion of trade and investment relations with China, engagement with the U.S. on scientific, technological, strategic and commercial cooperation. It emphasises the traditional bonds with countries such as Russia, Japan and the European Union. The CPI(M) is emphatic that the dialogue with Pakistan be pursued seriously, with an important rider — "without U.S. intervention." It wants special attention to be paid to fostering close ties with China and special efforts to coordinate relations between India-Russia and China and expansion of the scope of cooperation with Brazil and with Africa. Though it is not stated explicitly, for obvious reasons, it amounts to endorsement of the official stand. At the same time, there are significant reservations. For instance, the Congress includes "relations with Pakistan" among the issues on which the Prime Minister, A.B. Vajpayee, had "displayed a singular lack of consistency and clarity." The CPI(M) is sharp in its criticism of the Vajpayee Government's "pro-imperialist foreign policy" and wants it to be reversed. The party, the manifesto says, will work for "opposition to U.S. superpower unilateralism and the expanding role of NATO globally, ending the occupation of Iraq by the U.S. and its allies and strengthening the multilateral forums such as the U.N. to deal with all disputes between countries". The CPI, too, wants the tempo of peace talks with Pakistan kept up without "third party intervention," unilateral actions of the U.S. opposed and the demand for immediate and total withdrawal of occupation forces from Afghanistan and Iraq pressed. The Congress is silent on these matters — barring an indirect reference. The Left parties emphasise the importance of an independent and non-aligned foreign policy and are of reviving the Non-Aligned Movement. The Congress merely says it will revive the "country's close ties with West Asia and other non-aligned countries." On security and defence issue, the Congress stand now shows significant variations from the position it took in 1999. The party then shied away from expressing itself on India's nuclear status. It skirted this central point as it spoke of the need for ensuring that "nuclear weapons available with India and Pakistan are never used" and of the "joint responsibility for nuclear non-proliferation in the region" of India, Pakistan and China. The present manifesto is specific — "the Congress is committed to maintaining a credible nuclear weapons programme while, at the same time, it will evolve demonstrable and verifiable confidence-building measures with its nuclear neighbours." Missing now is the reference to the Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan for a nuclear weapon-free and non-violent world order — which had ritualistically figured in the party documents ever since it was presented to the U.N. in 1988. The Left, on the other hand, reaffirms its known categorical stand against nuclear weapons. The CPI(M), for instance, would like to "revert to nuclear policy of using nuclear energy for civilian and peaceful purposes," provide "parliamentary sanction for moratorium on testing" and open "talks with Pakistan for de-nuclearised environment in South Asia." The CPI, too, has taken this position. The Congress, obviously, has moved towards the official line.
K.K.Katyal, The Hindu, 29 March 2004 <http://www.hindu.com/2004/03/29/stories/2004032904571400.htm>
BJP Releases Vision Document
NEW DELHI, March 30. Making India a developed nation and a great power by 2020 is an idea whose time has come, says the Vision Document of the Bharatiya Janata Party released here today by the party president, Venkaiah Naidu. The BJP's vision of a "modern and resurgent India" jostles with its commitment to its core Hindutva ideology, which has been accommodated in the 48-page document, and emphasised by the fact that it is being released on Ram Navami, the birth anniversary of Lord Ram. "We want to usher in Ram rajya," said Mr. Naidu, and to do that the party would first like to see "gram rajya." Mr. Naidu said the document was "not a manifesto" for implementation — there would be a separate National Democratic Alliance manifesto to which its government would remain "committed" and which would be "binding" on the BJP. Vajpayee Everywhere The document, which has a photograph or two of the Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, on every page and on the front and back covers, says that to achieve the superpower status the party will launch a second green revolution, it will give world class infrastructure to the cities and bring vibrancy to the smallscale sector while creating the conditions that will make India a global manufacturing hub. No specific time-frame has been given; in fact on many points the document talks of a 10-year to a 20-year time-frame, beyond the tenure of not one but several governments. The document highlights 25 points — ranging from judicial reforms to devolution of powers to the States; from Ayodhya temple to a ban on religious conversions by fraud; from linking of rivers to stronger measures for population control; and from legislation to secure important offices of the State for "those who are India's natural citizens" to intensifying a peace dialogue with Pakistan. The pride of place has also been given to Hindutva-related issues which, the party has said, form the core of its agenda. At a meeting between Mr. Vajpayee and top Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh leaders, the BJP had promised to include these issues in its document. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad had also made it clear that its cadre would campaign for any party, if the core Hindutva agenda is included in its manifesto. On the Ram temple issue, the document said: "The BJP remains committed to its stand that the judiciary's verdict in this matter should be accepted by all. However, we believe that dialogue and a negotiated settlement in an atmosphere of mutual trust" was the best way to achieve the goal. Clarifying later, party leaders said that this meant negotiations to enable the temple to be built at the disputed spot — that the temple must be built on that very spot was not negotiable. However, on two other "core Hindutva issues" — a uniform civil code and abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution, which confers a special status on Jammu and Kashmir — there has been a decided change in the tone and tenor and the manner of articulation. On a uniform code, the document stressed that "all laws, including personal laws, must be in accordance with the guarantees available to all citizens under the Indian Constitution," while adding that a "social and political consensus has to be evolved before the enactment." The issue has been presented as a case for gender equality and Constitutional propriety, not as a plank for Muslim bashing. The document marks a significant change in the party's earlier stand on the need to "abrogate Article 370". Without mentioning the Article directly, it stated in a chapter on Jammu and Kashmir: "While recognising that the Constitution provides for transient and temporary provisions (Article 370) ... we believe that the immediate challenge ... is eliminating terrorism." In short, for the very first time, the BJP has acknowledged the current need to continue with Article 370, at least as a temporary measure. To the minorities, the BJP offers education, empowerment and economic improvement. On the question of reservations in the private sector, the document hints at fiscal "incentives" (such as tax concessions) for creating more job opportunities for members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. The party's colours, saffron and green, are dominant in the document that presents its Vision through 50 photographs of Mr. Vajpayee captioned "Vision personified." In a separate seven-minute audio-visual presentation, Mr. Vajpayee's voice says he wants to make India hunger-free, atrocities-free, corruption-free, and so on, and in the background plays a new rendering of Vande Mataram.
Neena Vvas, The Hindu, 31 March 2004 <http://www.hindu.com/2004/03/31/stories/2004033105120100.htm>
Parties Seek Ban on Opinion Polls from the Date of Notification
NEW DELHI, April 6. Participants at an all-party meeting convened here today by the Election Commission were unanimous that opinion polls should be banned from the date of notification of the poll process. All the parties were also of the view that when a general election was held in different phases, the results of exit polls should not be permitted to be published or telecast until the close of polling in the last phase of the election. There was a consensus that opinion and exit polls influenced the minds of the electorate and hence should be banned. Representatives of six national and 18 State political parties attended the meeting. Later in the day, the Commission said that in the light of the views expressed, it was reviewing the matter in detail and would make its recommendations shortly. However, on ``personalised attacks'' in the election campaign, there was a difference of opinion. All the parties sought a clear definition of "personal attack" stating that the reference to it in the model code of conduct was not clear on several aspects. The Bharatiya Janata Party said that while it favoured a ban on personal attacks, including character assassination, the "foreign origin issue" was not covered under the ambit of personal attack. The BJP leader, Vijay Kumar Malhotra, said that "it is the core political issue for his party.'' The Election Commission should ban opinion polls on the first day of the poll notification. Since the notification had already been issued, opinion polls should be banned with immediate effect, he said. The Congress spokesman, Kapil Sibal, told reporters that the parties felt that opinion polls were meant to create ``opinion making polls'' in favour of a certain party. As for exit polls, he said they should be allowed only after the votes in the last phase of the elections are cast. Mr. Sibal said the Commission should clarify what constituted a personal attack. Whatever the Commission said would be acceptable to the Oppositionparties. If the Commission felt that attacks of a personal nature were being made, then it should intervene suo motu. The parties on their part would see to it that no personal attacks were made during campaigning. The Commission would call a meeting of all parties again and give its views. Mr. Sibal said that no astrological prediction or betting about the likely results should be allowed and there should not be any constituency-level opinion polls, Mr. Sibal said. On the issue of telecast of political advertisements, the Commission said that since the matter was pending before the Supreme Court it would give its opinion after the Court pronounced its verdict. The CPI secretary, D. Raja, said money power was playing a major role in the polls and in the absence of state funding, major political parties were using black money and corporate funds. He wanted a level playing field so that the smaller parties espousing the cause of the poor were not discriminated. On personal attacks, he regretted that some leaders event went to the extent of demanding DNA tests for the children of certain leaders and hence there must be a proper definition of what constituted personal attacks. Nilotpal Basu (CPI-M) also wanted a ban on opinion and exit polls. The central committee member of the CPI (Marxist-Leninist), Brij Bihari Pandey, said the Commission must take action against any personal attacks not only at the national level but also at the constituency level. The general secretary of the Janata Dal (United), Javed Raza, sought a ban on exit and opinion polls saying they caused ``confusion'' and could influence the results. The sample base used for such polls was ``limited'' and unknown. The All-India Forward Bloc secretary, G. Devarajan, said all the opinion poll surveys must be banned the moment the announcement of polls was made. Exit polls could be conducted but the result should be released only after the polls.
J. Venkatesan, The Hindu, 7 April 2004 <http://www.hindu.com/2004/04/07/stories/2004040705670100.htm>
Congress Expands Reforms Agenda
NEW DELHI, April 7. The Congress today announced a `fine-tuned' version of its 1991 economic reforms policies with an expanded agenda to include the goals of a just society, abolition of illiteracy and freedom from hunger and unemployment. The overall direction of the economic policies remains unchanged but the party prioritised its task to focus on employment generation, revival of agriculture and revitalising the investment climate. Releasing the `Congress Agenda for Economic Growth' to the media here today, its two leaders, Pranab Mukherjee and Manmohan Singh, clarified the party position on some contentious issues. It was made clear, for instance, that the Congress was not opposed to disinvestment of the public sector but would like to retain those units which could ensure `sustained profitability in a competitive environment.' Mr. Mukherjee also clarified that there would not be any dogmatic positions on disinvestment and matters would be reviewed as situations evolved. "But there would be absolute transparency. For instance, while the security aspect would definitely be kept in mind, it would not be used to obfuscate matters," he said. About reservation of jobs in the private sector, the Congress favoured a `dialogue and consensus' approach with the ultimate objective of creating more job opportunities. On the issue of free power to farmers, its first emphasis would be availability of quality power on a regular basis but was not averse to providing cheaper power to the deserving underprivileged for which resources would be raised. On declining interest rates on bank deposits, the party maintained that deposit rates had reached near-inflation levels at present and this issue needed to be reviewed. Dr. Singh was also critical of the NDA Government's `hype' about the high growth rates registered in two quarters of 2003-04 and said the claim of sustaining this high growth rate had very few takers as was evident from the international rating agency, Moody's statement that growth in 2004-05 would be around 6.5 per cent. The Congress, on the other hand, would endeavour to revive the past capacity to grow at 8 per cent, not just for two quarters of a year but for a long period and work for the realisation of a 10 per cent economic growth in the next few years. It would also ensure that this growth was regionally balanced and benefited all sections of society, Dr. Singh said. The two Congress leaders came down heavily on the `fiscal indiscipline' of the NDA Government and pointed to the combined public debt of the Centre and the States at 8.5 per cent of the gross domestic product (GDP). They also said that despite the `hype' of the last few months about the `feel good' factors, there was little evidence of any response from the private sector in terms of raising its rate of investment. On the contrary, there had been a significant decline in both public and private investment expressed as a percentage of the GDP. "The record of the NDA Government will not do. India deserves a better deal," they said. Spelling out its agenda, the Congress said it wanted the middle class to genuinely prosper with greater access to the amenities of life and wanted the corporate sector to grow as fast as it could, but after bearing some responsibility of helping the less privileged to enrich themselves. The corporate sector was also promised a new form of development rebate in corporate taxes if they undertook expansion of business through ancillarisation, helping smaller units, employing more labour per unit of capital and if business was set up in backward regions. The party also promised a favourable climate for foreign investment and said it would eliminate all bureaucratic and administrative hurdles so as to encourage private investment in the economy. Minimum regulation and control would be in place to cover a short list of defence-sensitive industries, protect the environment and exhaustible natural resources and to control the creation of monopolies. The Congress has also committed itself to a comprehensive rural employment guarantee scheme, a comprehensive national strategy to get rid of the scourge of hunger in the next five years and a cess on all Central taxes to finance the universalisation of elementary education. Correspondent, The Hindu, 7 April 2004 <http://www.hindu.com/2004/04/08/stories/2004040807230100.htm> The Coalition Face of Indian Elections
The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), for instance, already has 15 political partners which make up the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and the party is yet seeking more alliances with minor regional parties in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Assam. Meanwhile, the opposition Congress party has six political partners at present and is so keen for more that it had, until now, refrained from declaring its leader Sonia Gandhi as the prime ministerial candidate should it win the elections. The BJP was forced to adopt the coalition concept after the 1996 elections when present Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee failed to prove his party's majority in parliament and had to give up the claim to form the government, despite making a desperate 13-day attempt. But even after the BJP ultimately scrambled back to win a majority in the next election by forming the NDA, which sort of reinforced the fact that no single party could command a majority in parliament any more, Congress continued to believe that it could stretch its glory as the most powerful singular political party; a status that it had enjoyed for years following India's independence in 1947 from the British rule. However, this time around, Congress seems to have finally jettisoned its dearly held belief that it could defeat the BJP-led alliance on its own. This is evident from the game plan that features topmost in its election strategy, which is "to dislodge the NDA at all cost even if the party's interest have to take a back seat in coalition politics in various states". Nonetheless, the concept of coalition politics is not new in India. It was considered one of the best strategies to take on the Congress party that managed to govern the country for most of the past 50 years. Famous political leaders from diverse political factions like Chakravarty Rajagopalchari, Ram Manohar Lohia, Vajpayee, and professor Humayun Kabir believed way back in the mid-1960s that forming coalition alliances was the only way to unseat "the Congress rule". But despite various opposition parties' dire need to form coalitions, all initial ventures were rank failures. For instance, the coalition governments in the Indian states of Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar that were formed in the past had few objectives and little unity or leadership; most of the partners were too busy back-biting each other, which eventually led to their downfall. A similar trend was seen at the federal level in 1979 when India was ruled by the Janata Party, and, in 1997-98 during the Deve Gowda and I K Gujaral "rule". According to political expert Swapan Dasgupta, "There were so many claimants to the leadership's post that eventually, managing a coalition turned out to be impossible." The coalition concept's first encounter with success came when the Communist Party of India - Marxist (CPI-M) demonstrated later in the states of West Bengal and Kerala that a coalition can work if just one party in the coalition is allowed to play the dominant role. But perhaps the primary reason that has made the coalition concept acceptable and sustainable in India, say experts, is a BJP-formulated ideology which says "governance has nothing to do with coalition partners' philosophies". "It is this awareness that has increased the effectiveness of coalition," says Dasgupta. "Today, for instance, the CPI-M [the main component of the Left Front government in West Bengal] is increasingly distancing itself from its Marxist ideologies and BJP has pushed Hindutva [a nationalist ideology] aside." Which is why perhaps, adds Dasgupta, both the CPI-M and the BJP are way ahead of their partners and competitors in terms of control over their administrations. The coalition concept is now inevitable, say experts. According to them, coalitions in Indian politics are unavoidable because social, economic and political order in the country has changed beyond recognition in the past 50 years. Coalitions will remain because the Indian polity does not hesitate any more to exercise its franchise. Coalitions will thrive because India now knows that extracting good governance is important for the self-interest of all sections of its society. Yet another crucial difference between the 2004 elections and the previous ones is technology: from short message services (SMS) to hi-tech gadgets like MP3 players and voice recording machines, this election is indeed being fought in the digital age where the BJP obviously, as well as many in the opposition, are using information technology (IT) in innumerable ways. As a contrast, although India as a country was already extremely IT-savvy in the previous election of 1999, the use of technology by political parties was limited to just three TV channels that were used to unleash their propaganda. But today in the back offices of both BJP and Congress, numerous powerful computers can be heard whirring throughout the day, analyzing elaborate data to target messages to specific groups based on caste, age, income and profession, as well as their voting pattern in previous elections. Even West Bengal's Left Front government, a state government that had vehemently opposed the introduction of computers in basic areas such as banking and English in primary state-funded schools, has been touched by the change, turning computer-savvy when it comes to election campaigning. The Left Front has designed a campaign that makes liberal use of tools like computers and televisions and has prepared videocassettes and clippings that will be telecast by cable television networks as paid advertisements. Mobile video vans too have been hired, which will go to remote areas of the state, set up huge screens and conduct video shows. "Ten to 15 years from now, there will be no takers for people shouting slogans on the streets seeking votes or holding public meetings. They will sit back at home and look at the television screen to understand what the candidate has to say," said Debaprosad Ghosh, campaign-in-charge of the Left Front. And, for the first time ever, election 2004 will be almost completely based on electronic voting machines (EVM). It is believed that even the Unites States still does not use EVMs as widely as India will in the upcoming election. Other innovative strategies, too, are in use. SMS is what both Congress and BJP are reportedly planning to use for reminding the electorate on the day of voting. Several million SMS messages are being planned. And already, anyone can listen to recorded messages of Vajpayee at a widely publicized phone number. The Congress has set up a website that acts like a war room to coordinate the electioneering and even a website to denounce the campaign of the ruling party. The BJP website, too, is getting spruced up considerably for election-2004. If this weren't enough, some of the brightest industry professionals like investment bankers, IT consultants, consulting company partners and academicians from top universities in the US and Europe have reportedly taken leave from their organizations - all to help out their favorite party's poll machinery. Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies. Indrajit Basu, Asia Times, 10 April 2004 <http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/FD10Df03.html> LS Polls 2004: BJP`s Manifesto
BJP: Focus on Making India a Super Power 2020 The Bharatiya Janata Party, in its much-awaited 'Vision Document 2004', expressed its desire to make India a developed nation and a great power by 2020 and launch a second green revolution Key Points Further strengthening national security - external and internal - to overcome present and future challenges. Further broadening and deepening of economic reforms, based on a self-reliant approach, for a sustained double-digit GDP growth rate to achieve complete eradication of poverty and unemployment; end of regional and social disparities; and bridging the urban-rural divide. Achieving a quantum improvement in the quality of life of all Indians by fulfilling their basic needs in education, healthcare, nutrition, drinking water, housing, sanitation, and cultural development. Launching the second green revolution to unleash the tremendous growth potential in Indian agriculture and agro-based industries, eliminating waste in the food chain, and to ensure doubling of income of even a marginal farmer by 2010. Bringing vibrancy to small-scale industries, cottage enterprises and activities of rural artisans; revitalisation of traditional industries like textiles; and giving due recognition and full encouragement to the informal sector of the economy. Giving India a world-class infrastructure in power, telecom and IT, roads, railways, air travel, ports, shipping and inland navigation, markets and the financial sector. Making India a major exporting nation, a global manufacturing hub; a preferred service provider to the world; a preferred country for higher education and healthcare; a leading creator of research and development; putting India at the centre of the knowledge economy; and making India a major tourist destination in the world. Preparing India for the momentous shift taking place in world economy in which low-cost economies can score a big march over high-cost economies by building competitive strengths in manufacturing and services; enriching human resources and reforming economy towards this end, and turning India's young population into a huge opportunity in the era of globalisation. Dealing with the challenge of water on a war-footing with a three-pronged approach - launch of the river-linking project, massive encouragement for micro initiatives such as watershed management, checkdams, rainwater harvesting, drid irrigation and cleaning up of rivers and traditional water bodies. A massive rural development programme based on the concept of an ideal Indian village. A massive urban renewal programme, based on the concept of an ideal Indian city. Comprehensive good governance reforms, encompassing administrative reforms, judicial reforms, electoral reforms, devolution of powers to states and effective empowerment of Panchayati Raj institutions and urban local bodies. Commitment to construction of a magnificent Ram Mandir at Ayodhya; amicable resolution of the issue through dialogue for starting a new chapter in Hindu-Muslim relations. Educational development, economic uplift, and empowerment of minorities and ending the majority-minority distinction in politics. Vigorous pursuit of the ideals of social justice, economic justice and empowerment of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Nomadic and Denotified Tribes, OBCs, and the poor among the forward classes. Ban on religious conversions through fraudulent and coercive means. Intensification of the peace and development process in Jammu and Kashmir and the North-East. Ensuring early return of Kashmiri Pandits and other displaced people to their native places. Commitment to women's all-round empowerment. the BJP is ready to back any consensus formula to ensure early legislation for women's reservation in Parliament and state legislatures. Legislation to ensure that important offices of the Indian State can be occupied only by those who are India's natural citizens. Empowerment of the civil society to promote people's participation in development at all levels and for creating effective dispute resolution mechanisms outside the realm of the Government and the judiciary. Making population control a people's movement, with non-coercive disincentives for a two-child norm, and incentives for a girl child. Preservation and propagation of India's rich cultural heritage. Unleasing 'Yuva Shakti' and making India a major sports power in the world. Intensifying dialogue with Pakistan to find a lasting solution to all bilateral issues; working for a multi-polar world, with India as one of the poles; further raising India's standing in the world; and securing for India a meaningful and steadily growing role in international affairs. Sify News <http://sify.com/news_info/lspolls/manifestos/fullstory.php?id=13445612>
LS Polls 2004: INC`s Manifesto
Congress: Focusing on Ensuring Livelihood for All Families The Congress in its manifesto for the Lok Sabha elections has promised to work for improving the living standards of farmers, ensuring livelihood for each family, legal and social equality to women, a better deal for weaker sections and entrepreneurs. Key Points Full equality in all aspects will be ensured for the Dalits and other weaker sections of the society. Fresh look at disinvestment policy. About 4.5 percent growth in agriculture and boost investment. The party will be 'accountable' to the people. Every year on October 2 the Government will present a 'progress report' of implementation of its commitments. Thirty-three percent reservation for women in Parliament and the State Assemblies. Around one crore job opportunities to the people every year. A common minimum programme if the other parties in the alliance fold desire so.
Sify News <http://sify.com/news_info/lspolls/manifestos/fullstory.php?id=13440601>
LS Polls 2004: BSP`s Manifesto
BSP: Focus on Abolition of Manuvadi System Releasing the manifesto for the Lok Sabha elections, BSP president Mayawati asserted that her party believed in practice rather than theory, and therefore had not felt the need to have a written document so far. But in view of rival parties' campaign against her party on the issue, she said, the BSP had for the first time come out with a written document that would remain unchanged in elections to come.
Key Points Economic upliftment for the majority is possible in the country only if the social inequality inherent in India's caste system was reversed. No 'ism' can work in a country in the grip of manuwad because manuwad (casteism) destroys every other 'ism.' Marxism, socialism, and communism will never solve the problems in India. The party would work for a legislation to protect freedom of expression and the rights of the media. If members of the upper castes give up their manuwadi mindset and join the battle, the BSP will welcome them. Reservation to the judiciary, the Upper Houses in Parliament and State Legislature, the Cabinet, and the private sector. Though the party won't oppose reservation for the upper castes, the quota should be proportionate to the ratio of their population. A new economic policy that will focus on the poor, the deprived, and the socially backward people, "who constitute 85 percent of the population." The manifesto claims that the BSP is not only a political party but a social movement and adds that "political reform and social reform are two wheels of the same vehicle and the absence of anyone of them will bring the vehicle to a grinding halt."
Sify News <http://sify.com/news_info/lspolls/manifestos/fullstory.php?id=13445614>
LS Poll 2004: TDP`s Manifesto
TDP: Focus on Rural Infrastructure Shifting gears from hi-tech industries to rural development, the reforms-savvy Telugu Desam Party promised an ambitious investment of Rs 60,000 crore to create irrigation facilities and other infrastructure to change the rural face of Andhra Pradesh. Releasing the 22-page party manifesto, party chief and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu announced the 'Rural Economy Transformation Package', encompassing agriculture, irrigation, rural infrastructure, poverty alleviation and welfare. Key Points Achieving a 'Swarnandhra Pradesh' by 2020 through integrated development without compromising on the Telugu pride. A council for development of backward areas. Controlling the extremism problem fully through coordinated effort with neighbouring states and the Centre. Plan for setting up of mahila banks for the members and rural women on a priority basis. The party to strive for a Constitutional amendment to provide reservation of one-third seats for women in all the Legislative bodies. A self-employment programme for the benefit 7.4 lakh backward class families. Institutional loans at four percent interest for artisans, weaver cooperative societies and self-help groups. The powers of the Wakf Board would be increased to protect their properties and an investment of Rs 150 crore. Developing tourism as an important industry. Promotion of IT, bio-technology and other industries for the benefit of youth.
Sify News <http://sify.com/news_info/lspolls/manifestos/fullstory.php?id=13440589>
LS Polls 2004: CPIM`s Manifesto
CPI (M): Focus on Forming a Non-BJP Govt at Center The manifesto of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has promised higher income tax for the rich, use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, a comprehensive set of pro-poor economic policies and a new land reform policy to dilute land ceiling laws for possessing surplus land. Key Points Assurances to make education a basic right for children and allocation of 10 percent of the budget for education. Steps to prohibit cross-media ownership to prevent monopolies. Removal decision allowing foreign stakes of print media. Efforts to be made to increase the expenditure on public health by the Government to five percent of the GDP. Advice to Congress to do away with the vacillating stance in defending secularism. Employment-oriented economic policy and Central legislation for agricultural workers for protecting their basic rights, guaranteeing minimum wages and pension and other benefits. The manisfesto blamed the Congress for its 'misrule'that allowed the "BJP's rise" and asked the party to learn it from its "mistakes." The manifesto asserted that if the "secular front" formed government at the Centre, it would not follow the same economic policies that have "ruined the Indian farmers, cottage industry, small industry and have led to unprecedented unemployment crisis."
Sify News <http://sify.com/news_info/lspolls/manifestos/fullstory.php?id=13445618>
LS Polls 2004: CPI`s Manifesto
CPI- ‘BJP Hatao-Desh Bachao’ The CPI stands for an alternative path of development, and is against the neo-liberal policy of liberalisation, privatisation and imperialist globalisation. Key Points The manifesto calls upon like-minded parties to save the country from the "communal, fascist offensive mounted by the BJP." The party wants secular parties and forces in the states to reach mutual adjustments and alliances and avoid splitting anti-BJP votes. The secular coalition, on obtaining a majority, should agree on a common minimum programme, which will take the country forward from its present state. Increasing the representation of the CPI and Left parties is necessary, as it is the Left that will be the driving force behind the secular coalition. Unemployment has assumed menacing proportions. Nearly 10 crore of youth are either totally unemployed, or only partially employed. Land reforms to distribute surplus and wasteland to the landless, thus reverse the trend of growing landlessness. Ensure minimum wages and social security to agricultural workers and poor peasants and free them from usury and indebtedness, through a comprehensive legislation. Urgent steps for universal elementary education as also scientific and technological education, secular in content and form without which it is foolish to think of a modern, developed India competing with other developed countries. Implementing a massive water management system, including linking of rivers, flood prevention-cum-irrigation-cum-hydel generation schemes, digging and desilting of ponds, harvesting of rain water, provision of drinking water in all villages, etc., mobilising tens of thousands of workers for the job. Introducing a system of subsidies where they are needed for encouraging production, reducing costs to the producers, and protecting the livelihood of the poor, especially those below the poverty line. Qualitative and quantitative expansion of cooperatives in various fields. Stop privatisation and disinvestment of PSUs’. Reservation which existed in the PSUs, should be continued in those already privatised. Art-356 to be suitably amended so that the power of the Centre to dismiss state governments based on reports by biased and pliant governors is curtailed. Autonomy for the state of Jammu & Kashmir by maintaining Art-370. Regional autonomy to Jammu & Ladakh regions within this framework. Nothing is known about the basis of Advani’s talk with the Hurriyat. Any attempt at trifurcation of J & K as suggested by the RSS would be a blow to India’s Secular character. No interference in judicial processes like the one on Ayodhya dispute. The dispute be to settled through judicial process. India should return to the time-tested independent foreign policy of non-alignment, oppose imperialist military and economic aggression, refrain from getting embroiled in their war adventures. India should demand immediate and total withdrawal of occupation forces from Afghanistan and Iraq. Senior citizens should have decent old age pension, social security measures and other concessions and be protected from the reduction of quantum of income under monthly income scheme owing to fall in rate of interest, so that they can live a life of dignity.
Sify News <http://sify.com/news_info/lspolls/manifestos/fullstory.php?id=13445620>
LS Polls 2004: AIADMK`s Manifesto
AIADMK: Focus on Sonia Gandhi’s foreign origin The AIADMK declared that it was committed to the fundamental principle that the guardians of the country must be born citizens of India. The party's 38-page manifesto, released by party supremo and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa, raised doubts over the safety and security of India if it were to be in the hands of Italian-born "Ms Antonia Maino alias Sonia". Key Points Persons who hold high offices should necessarily be born citizens of the country. The party would strive for the formation of a government at the Centre, headed by A B Vajpayee, who is a 'true son of the soil. A strong and stable government at the Centre to protect the sovereignty, integrity and security of the country. To urge the next Union Government to take measures to release Tamil Nadu's rightful share of Cauvery water. Constitutional amendments to declare all the 22 languages, including Tamil, as official languages and accord the status of classical language to Tamil. Commitment to secularism and a secular spirit to protect the foundation of communal amity. Liberties and privileges for minorities as enshrined in the Constitution. Efforts to be taken for Constitutional amendments, to protect 69 percent reservation in the State. To urge the new Government to raise the share of funds from the Central pool to the states from the present 29.5 to 50 percent and make necessary provisions in the import policy to protect agro-based industries. The party would ask the Centre to expedite the second mine expansion at Neyveli and thermal power station in Tamil Nadu.
Sify News <http://sify.com/news_info/lspolls/manifestos/fullstory.php?id=13440593>
LS Polls 2004: DMK`s Manifesto
DMK: Focus on Genuine Federalism The DMK in its manifesto said it was for genuine federalism and demanded amendment to the Constitution to ensure this and also to empower the states to function freely and effectively. It also demanded abolition of Article 356 of the Constitution which empowered the Centre to dismiss a state government. Key Points To strive for the repeal of controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act besides opposing any move to bring in a common civil code. Only a court verdict could settle the Ayodhya dispute. The party wants everybody to abide by the judiciary's order. The party would work for a legislation to protect freedom of expression and the rights of the media. A central authority to oversee implementation of labour laws; legislation to protect the right to strike by workers. To work towards special schemes to create jobs to the educated unemployed youth and suitable training centres to meet the objective. To demand a Parliamentary panel for the welfare of the backward communities and more powers for national commissions of BC, SC and ST. The party to continue to work for declaring Tamil as classical language. It would also press for suitable act for the use of Tamil in the Madras High Court. To demand holding of both written and oral examinations conducted by the UPSC in Tamil and all other official languages. To insist on reservation in private sector too. The party to press for increasing the personal income tax exemption limit from Rs 50,000 to Rs one lakh.
Sify News <http://sify.com/news_info/lspolls/manifestos/fullstory.php?id=13440597>
LS Polls 2004: NCP`s Manifesto
NCP: Bringing Economic Reforms Process Back on the Rails The Nationalist Congress Party' manifesto for the Lok Sabha elections has promised formation of a development-oriented, transparent and corruption free Government at the Centre. Key Points Promise to improve the lot of the common man. Immediate action on the three main issues of unemployment, farmers' welfare and neglect of cotton industries. An amendment to the Constitution for economic stability to ensure a development-oriented economy. Promise for the constitution of a separate pay commission for defence personnel. Steps for eradication of poverty and for the betterment of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and backward classes as also ex-servicemen. Suitable representation to women right from Parliament down to the lower level as also in the executive and judiciary. Creation of job opportunities for youths and in agriculture. A fixed term for the Lok Sabha and 'appropriate representation' for minorities in public services including armed forces as well as semi-government bodies. Secular alliance to prevent the BJP going ahead with its 'communal agenda. Sify News <http://sify.com/news_info/lspolls/manifestos/fullstory.php?id=13445613>
LS Polls 2004: MDMK`s Manifesto
MDMK: Focus on Autonomy to States The MDMK in its manifesto for the Lok Sabha elections has assured that it would strive to bring in necessary Constitutional amendments for decentralisation of powers vested with the Centre to provide autonomy to states, proportional and equal representation to the states in the Council of Ministers and abolition of Governor's post. Key Points Efforts to bring in amendment in the seventh schedule of the Constitution, by changing Union List, State List and Concurrent List to provide residuary powers to the states. Steps to bring in amendments to the Constitution and the Representation of the People's Act so that political parties could get proportional representation on the basis of votes they get in the Assembly and Lok Sabha elections, considering the coalition politics in future. Demand for the abolition of gubernatorial post as it is being "misused." Demand for the abolition of Article 356 of the Constitution as the country has witnessed "misuse" of the provision by the Centre in dismissing the democratically elected state governments. Steps to clear all corruption cases filed against politicians and government officials within one year, by constituting special courts. The party wants to uphold secular fabric of the country and was against the influence of Hindutva forces on the government. India should play a role in bringing about a lasting peace in the ethnic strife-torn Sri Lanka. The Union Government should take note of the "vested interests" of various other nations in brokering peace in the island nation. It should give up the ' "faulty'approach adopted so far and contribute to the success of the peace talks. Sify News <http://sify.com/news_info/lspolls/manifestos/fullstory.php?id=13445616>
BJP In April 1980, members of the erstwhile Jan Sangh met in Mumbai and pondered over their symbol. The Jan Sangh had a lamp as a symbol but it has been frozen. Out of the ashes of the Jan Sangh, the BJP was born. In the brainstorming session that followed, one of the popular suggestions was the lotus which, despite being born in mud, blooms over its surroundings. The sub-text: the party would stay above the ‘muck’ spread around by the other parties. A ‘padam phool’ was sketched and sent to the Election Commission, which subsequently approved it. CongressThe Congress started with the ‘two bullocks’ symbol. After the 1969 split, the Indira faction chose a cow and calf. The party split again after the 1977 debacle and the symbol was frozen. In 1979, congress veteran K Karunakaran took Indira to the Hemambika Bhagwati temple in Palakkad. The goddess’s raised palm posture inspired him to suggest it as the symbol. The party’s 1980 win decided in favour of the ‘lucky and auspicious hand’. Janata Dal The Janata Dal was in a disorganized state when the 1989 polls were called and were asked to make an interim arrangement. At the EC’s office, Madhu Dandavate, Who did not like what was on offer, called Chandrashekhar, Devi Lal for help. They drew a symbol, which closely resembled the Ashok Chakra. From 24, the number of spokes in the wheel was reduced to six. Thus was the JD symbol born. Devi Lal was so irate with the ‘unhelpful “ EC that he vowed to fire them all if he came to power. He did. BSP The BSP, Asom Gana Parished and Sikkim Sangram Parishad all have the elephant as their symbols. The state parties refused to give it up, so the BSP cannot use the ‘elephant’ in Assam and Sikkim. The EC than decided that once a symbol is allotted to a nationally recognized party, no one else gets it. So, the elephant belongs to Mayawati now. AIADMKMGR chose the two leaves symbol for his party from an EC list for two simple reasons: it could be easily painted on walls and was easily identifiable. He flashed two fingers (representing victory and his party symbol) at all his meetings. After his death in 1988, his wife Janaki and his associate Jayalalithaa split the party, which meant that the symbol had to be frozen and new symbols decleared. While the wife got two doves, Jayalalithaa got a rooster! Animal rights activists took to the road when party activists used birdcages to drive home the point. Soon enough, the EC stepped in and froze both symbols. After Janaki’s retirement, the party reunited and the two leaves were back on several walls in TN. Sify News <http: //sify.com/news/infographics/symbols/index.php>
The Rediff Election Interview -
Syed Ahmed Bukhari There was widespread surprise, indeed incomprehension, when the Shahi Imam of Delhi's Jama Masjid, Syed Ahmed Bukhari, recently said the Bharatiya Janata Party was no longer a political untouchable. This was the first time perhaps a kind word for the BJP had come out of the Jama Masjid. In an exclusive interview with Chief Correspondent Tara Shankar Sahay, the Shahi Imam explained why the Muslims must shed their distrust for the BJP. The first of a three-part series of interviews with wellknown Muslim opinion-makers. Could you explain the statement which you made recently pertaining to the BJP? Let me give you the background before I talk about my statement and its basis. The first thing is that in these last 50 years after Independence, the Muslim community has been looted, exploited, brutalised and suppressed by successive governments. They made promises to Muslims, but did not live up to them. So in the last five decades, the Musalman has found himself standing alone. Whenever elections arrive, Muslims are told to strengthen the hands of secular parties. My question is, where do these secular parties disappear when Muslims perish across India, whether in Moradabad, Meerut or Bhagalpur. My point is, for the last 50 years the Musalman has voted to strengthen secular forces, from the time of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru to Vishwanath Pratap Singh. Even today he is alive in the name of secularism. He did not regard any of his community members as his leader, whether it was Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Mohammed Ali Jauhar or Rafi Ahmed Kidwai...he put his trust in other leaders -- Nehru to V P Singh. I ask you, what did these so-called secular parties led by the Congress give the Muslims? Today, a Muslim is the greatest secularist in this country. We have had support from the majority community, there is proof of that. Hindu-Muslim communal amity existed, but the Congress built a wall of hatred between them. You believe the Congress used Muslims, even engineered situations, to enhance their insecurity? Most certainly. Just go through the Congress' 45 years of rule and see for yourself where it has not caused the killings of Muslims and dealt them sheer injustice? Occasionally, it brought some Muslim chief ministers, but let the Congress take out its election manifestos from 1952 onwards and tell Muslims how many of the promises it has kept. Let the Congress tell the Muslim community what it has done for us. You can compare the percentage of Muslims who had jobs under the British rule with today's scenario. Not even 1 percent of the Muslim population have got government jobs in the country today. Muslims also suffered during the Emergency and the people booted out the Congress. The Janata Party government assumed power in 1977. It was representative in character, had people from Jan Sangh, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and many who are in the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance government now and others who are out of it. The Janata Party government did not last long. The Muslims again went with the Congress. But in 1989, the shilanyas (foundation stone-laying for temple in Ayodhya) was announced and the Muslims were again subjected to lies and deceit. V P Singh came as the messiah of Muslims, but he arrived at an understanding with the BJP despite coming to this very Jama Masjid and promising Muslims that he would never do so. Are you sure? V P Singh gave it in writing to my father [Syed Abdullah Bukhari] and then caused the BJP, which had won just two Lok Sabha seats in the 1984 general election, to win 86 seats in 1989. You must note that it was not Muslims who enabled this but V P Singh. His government went within a year and the BJP's rise began. What happened then? Then began the subsequent political processions of secularists, the likes of Mulayam Singh Yadav. Tell me, what has he done for the Muslims? He is responsible for fanning communal hatred in Uttar Pradesh. Today, Mulayam Singh Yadav is the BJP's biggest, albeit, indirect well-wisher. His UP government has been formed with the BJP's help. I have just learnt that Mulayam Singh met a few BJP leaders recently and has agreed to help the party win 30 seats in UP. He will do it by putting up weak Samajwadi Party candidates against the BJP. I am telling you it is with Mulayam Singh's help that the NDA government will be formed after this election. How do you perceive the Bahujan Samaj Party? It was with the BJP in the not-too-distant past and will be with the BJP tomorrow also. Now take the case of those parties who swear by secularism. You have the great secularist Ram Vilas Paswan of the Lok Janshakti Party. Where did he go? He went to the NDA. He wants everybody to believe that he left the NDA pained by Gujarat. He told Muslims he stood by them in their hour of crisis. But everybody knows he left the NDA out of anger because Mayawati (with the NDA's help) had become the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. Similarly, the great trumpet-blower of secularism, Nara Chandrababu Naidu, is with the NDA. Therefore, I came to the conclusion that for Indian Muslims nobody is secular. It is just a mask which has slipped off many faces. So what is your perception of the BJP and the Congress? I have been saying that there is no difference between the Congress and BJP and between Mulayam Singh and the BJP. But Muslims are told that beware, vote for the secular parties otherwise, the BJP will come to power and secularism in the country will be endangered. It is these so-called secular outfits which are squarely responsible for the BJP coming to power. But we have not lived in this country in fear of the BJP or the Vishwa Hindu Parishad because if we had done so, we would not have focused on Gujarat. Muslims were killed in Gujarat not only by BJP and VHP personnel, but also by Congress people. Proof of this are the Muslims of the state themselves. The Congress gave tickets to 'Muslim killers' during the Gujarat assembly election. How do Muslims feel about the BJP? Let me tell you clearly -- Muslims are not scared of the BJP or VHP. Our hearts are crying because the so-called secular parties have deceived and tricked us and we want to show them their place. Please answer my question. Our anger with the BJP is in its own place. History will never forgive it for what it did to us in Gujarat. We can never forget it. But in the last few months we have begun noticing that there is a change in the BJP's approach. What kind of change? I cannot say if there is an ideological shift, that will be clear only after the polls. But its leadership believes that what happened in Gujarat was a blot on the nation as underlined by Prime Minister Vajpayee. Deputy Prime Minister Advani just said the demolition of the Babri Masjid had hurt him and the BJP. He said Mathura and Varanasi (mosques) are not in his party's agenda. He said Hindu-Muslim communal harmony is his first priority. It is apparent that this could not have come about without consultations with the RSS. The BJP is the political arm of the RSS and it realises there should be congenial relations between Hindus and Muslims. But the practical aspect -- where and how this changed approach translates into action on the ground -- will become clear only after the election. So you will wait till after the election? Naturally, I cannot just go by promises, whether it is the Congress, Mulayam Singh Yadav's party or the BJP. But the change in the BJP's approach has come after almost 20 years. What are you telling your Muslim brethren? Mind you, I am not telling them to go and vote for the BJP. But I am reminding them that we are not anybody's enemy and that the rulers' mindset is not always the same. I am telling my people that because we were captives of the so-called secular entities' deceit, at least hear what the BJP has to say now. I am telling them if somebody is prepared to go four steps forward, we must also take a step and see what is what. If some party is willing to give a better deal to us, provide us jobs and enable us to live respectable lives, I say, demolish this artificially created wall of hatred between our two communities. After all, this is what we have always wanted. In such confusing circumstances, to which leader should the ordinary Muslim look to? Look, leaders don't fall from the sky, they are born among the people. The person who can get us our rights, who can raise his voice against injustice, oppression and deceit, he can be the leader. It is time to vote according to one's understanding and conscience. I believe that today's generation will not heed any appeal to vote for so and so, it will vote going by its savvy. When I became the imam of Jama Masjid, I decided I would not speak in favour of any party, I would go to my people for the party which works for the Muslim community. I am convinced that until and unless Muslims form their own party, they will continue to be a weak political force. If Muslims are able to create their own party, who do you think will suffer the most? These so-called secular parties will suffer the most because they are alive in the name of Muslims. But they don't have the strength to give Muslim candidates votes from their reserves. Muslims vote for Mulayam Singh Yadav but Yadavs don't vote for Muslims. So Muslims will have to do something on their own otherwise they will be used like a football being kicked from one net to another. Please clarify what you mean by 'do something on their own'? Muslims should cast away the crutches of other political parties. No more crutches of the Congress, Mulayam or V P Singh. But some Muslims are still joining the Congress. If your indication is towards Syed Shahabuddin, the less said about him, the better. Shahabuddin has taken the Congress harmonium to sing its tune. When the Babri Masjid was demolished, Shahabuddin was sitting at home. He is a sick elephant. He cannot be ridden and its owner will become tired of feeding him. He will become a liability for the party which makes him a member and he will ensure that that the party is buried along with him. He formed the Insaaf Party but he went about meting injustice to our people. Today, Shahabuddin is demanding justice from the party which is responsible for the massacre of numerous Muslims.
16 April 2004 <http://www.rediff.com/election/2004/apr/17inter.htm>
Voted in the Morning [Electronic Voting]
The voting process is something like this, U go to the poll booth assigned, someone finds U in the printed list of voters for the booth, the candidates can have their agents sitting inside, who also verify that my name exists.
The identification is via a electoral card or some defined
photo-ids After that U get a slip which is taken by next official who has to press a button to make the EVM operable. So there is a paper trail of who has voted.
The EVM (as shown in the BBC article is a flat device with
the names, symbol of the party and a LED and a button) When the official has
given the go ahead, there is a green light on top; one has to press the
button against the candidate, a red LED against the candidate glows and U
are done. The counting is done on a scheduled date, wherein all these EVMs are kept in a specified place and counting happens with the candidates' representatives around.
20 April 2004
<http://slashdot.org/articles/04/04/20/1330220.shtml?tid=99> Lok Sabha
Elections 2004: Results at a Glance
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|
Party |
Won |
|
BJP |
182 |
|
TDP |
29 |
|
JD-U |
20 |
|
BJD |
10 |
|
DMK |
11 |
|
Shiv Sena |
15 |
|
Trinamool Congress |
8 |
|
INLD |
5 |
|
SAD-B |
2 |
|
MDMK |
4 |
|
PMK |
5 |
|
HVC |
1 |
|
MADMK |
1 |
|
MGRADMK |
1 |
|
LCP |
2 |
|
MPSC |
1 |
|
SDF |
1 |
|
Total Seats Won |
298 |
Congress led Alliance
|
Party |
Won |
|
Congress |
112 |
|
AIADMK |
10 |
|
RJD |
7 |
|
Muslim League |
2 |
|
RLD - A |
2 |
|
Kerala Congress - M |
1 |
|
Total Seats Won |
134 |
Left Parties
|
Party |
Won |
|
CPI - M |
32 |
|
CPI |
4 |
|
RSP |
3 |
|
AIFB |
2 |
|
Kerala Congress |
1 |
|
Total Seats Won |
42 |
Others
|
Party |
Won |
|
Samajwadi Party |
26 |
|
Bahujan Samaj Party |
14 |
|
Nationalist Congress Party |
7 |
|
National Conference |
4 |
|
BBM |
1 |
|
MEIM |
1 |
|
Samajwadi Janata Party - R |
1 |
|
PWP |
1 |
|
SAD - A |
1 |
|
JD - S |
1 |
|
CPI - ML |
1 |
|
Others |
5 |
|
Total Seats Won |
63 |
<http://www.rediff.com/election/resultbk.htm>
Nation-wide
Results
|
Party/Alliance |
Seats contested |
Won |
|
BJP-led National Democratic Alliance |
538 |
298 |
|
Congress led Alliance |
538 |
134 |
|
Others |
538 |
105 |
<http://www.rediff.com/election/results.htm>
State-wise Election Results 1999 [Extracts]
|
States |
Total Seats |
Congress |
BJP |
Others |
|
Andhra Pradesh |
42 |
5 |
36 |
1 |
|
Arunachal Pradesh |
2 |
2 |
- |
- |
|
Assam |
14 |
9 |
2 |
2 |
|
Bihar |
54 |
10 |
40 |
- |
|
Goa |
2 |
- |
2 |
- |
|
Gujarat |
26 |
6 |
20 |
- |
|
Haryana |
10 |
- |
10 |
- |
|
Himachal Pradesh |
4 |
- |
4 |
- |
|
Jammu and Kashmir |
6 |
- |
2 |
4 |
|
Karnataka |
28 |
18 |
10 |
- |
|
Kerala |
20 |
11 |
- |
9 |
|
Madhya Pradesh |
40 |
11 |
29 |
- |
|
Maharashtra |
48 |
11 |
28 |
9 |
|
Manipur |
2 |
- |
- |
1 |
|
Meghalaya |
2 |
1 |
- |
1 |
|
Mizoram |
1 |
- |
- |
1 |
|
Nagaland |
1 |
1 |
- |
- |
|
Orissa |
21 |
2 |
19 |
- |
|
Punjab |
13 |
9 |
3 |
1 |
|
Rajasthan |
25 |
9 |
16 |
- |
|
Sikkim |
1 |
- |
- |
1 |
|
Tamil Nadu |
39 |
13 |
26 |
- |
|
Tripura |
2 |
1 |
- |
1 |
|
Uttar Pradesh |
85 |
12 |
29 |
44 |
|
West Bengal |
42 |
3 |
10 |
29 |
|
Union Territories |
||||
|
Andaman & Nicobar Islands |
1 |
- |
1 |
- |
|
Chandigarh |
1 |
1 |
- |
- |
|
Dadra & Nagar Haveli |
1 |
- |
- |
1 |
|
Daman & Diu |
1 |
1 |
- |
- |
|
Delhi |
7 |
- |
7 |
- |
|
Lakshadweep |
1 |
1 |
- |
- |
|
Pondicherry |
1 |
1 |
- |
- |
<http://www.rediff.com/election/res1.htm> <http://www.rediff.com/election/res2.htm>
<http://www.rediff.com/election/res3.htm>
<http://www.rediff.com/election/union.htm>
BJP Congress and its Allies: Comparison with 1999 Election Results [Extracts]
|
Final Result 541/541
|
|
BJP+ [BJP and its Allies] |
|||||||||
|
Party |
Won |
Gain* |
Retain |
Total (G+R) |
Loss* |
Net Gain (G-L) * |
Voteshare |
Voteshare (1999) |
Swing |
|
BJP |
138 |
48 |
90 |
138 |
90 |
-42 |
21.48 |
23.75 |
-2.27 |
|
SHS |
12 |
1 |
11 |
12 |
4 |
-3 |
1.79 |
1.56 |
0.23 |
|
BJD |
11 |
1 |
10 |
11 |
0 |
1 |
1.29 |
1.2 |
0.09 |
|
SAD |
8 |
6 |
2 |
8 |
0 |
6 |
0.89 |
0.69 |
0.2 |
|
JD(U) |
7 |
4 |
3 |
7 |
18 |
-14 |
1.98 |
3.1 |
-1.12 |
|
TDP |
5 |
1 |
4 |
5 |
25 |
-24 |
3.01 |
3.65 |
-0.64 |
|
AITC |
2 |
1 |
1 |
2 |
7 |
-6 |
1.99 |
2.57 |
-0.58 |
|
NPF |
1 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
0.18 |
0 |
0.18 |
|
MNF |
1 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
0.05 |
0 |
0.05 |
|
ADMK |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
10 |
-10 |
2.17 |
1.93 |
0.24 |
|
Total |
185 |
64 |
121 |
185 |
154 |
-90 |
34.83 |
|
|
* w.r.t 1999
|
INC+ [Congress and its Allies] |
|||||||||
|
Party |
Won |
Gain* |
Retain |
Total (G+R) |
Loss* |
Net Gain (G-L) * |
Voteshare |
Voteshare (1999) |
Swing |
|
INC |
145 |
96 |
49 |
145 |
65 |
31 |
26.21 |
28.3 |
-2.09 |
|
RJD |
21 |
17 |
4 |
21 |
2 |
15 |
1.86 |
2.79 |
-0.93 |
|
DMK |
16 |
5 |
11 |
16 |
1 |
4 |
1.79 |
1.73 |
0.06 |
|
NCP |
9 |
4 |
5 |
9 |
2 |
2 |
1.76 |
2.27 |
-0.51 |
|
PMK |
6 |
3 |
3 |
6 |
2 |
1 |
0.55 |
0.65 |
-0.1 |
|
TRS |
5 |
5 |
0 |
5 |
0 |
5 |
0.62 |
0 |
0.62 |
|
JMM |
5 |
5 |
0 |
5 |
0 |
5 |
0.46 |
0.27 |
0.19 |
|
MDMK |
4 |
2 |
2 |
4 |
2 |
0 |
0.43 |
0.44 |
-0.01 |
|
LJNSP |
3 |
3 |
0 |
3 |
0 |
3 |
0.51 |
0 |
0.51 |
|
JKPDP |
1 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
0.07 |
0 |
0.07 |
|
RPI(A) |
1 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
0.09 |
0 |
0.09 |
|
MUL |
1 |
| |||||||
