The initial round

The News, Sun, July,11, 2004.

Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema


The two-day talks between Indian and Pakistani foreign secretaries ended on a positive note with peace, security, nuclear confidence building measures (CBMs) and Kashmir dispute on top of the agenda. Much importance has been extended to this meeting, as this was first official level talk since the failure of Agra Summit. Indeed the talks were held in a constructive and cordial atmosphere. Both sides pledged to continue the dialogue with a recently demonstrated renewed vigor and zeal.

The two involved parties have repeatedly pledged that they would discuss all outstanding issues including the ongoing Kashmir dispute. However, the two sides could not start the dialogue until the Indian the elections were over. Now the talks have started and one expects that a certain level of continuity would be maintain in order to make the talks successful. In many ways both sides have also pledged to make the talks meaningful and result orientated.

After two days of negotiations the foreign secretaries were able to finalize plans to increase the number of High Commission staff, to reopen consulates in Mumbai and Karachi, to release those who strayed across the border including the fishermen and to provide information about the missile tests. On the surface these concessions are not much to look at and appears to be no more than reviving what was practiced earlier. Many of the reported items of the agenda could not elicit any agreement. But what is important is that a resulted orientated beginning has been made though not at desired scale.

While it is fair to stress that both countries needed to increase their staff in order to meet the ever-increasing workload, the reopening of consulates in the financial capitals might entail some difficulties. Compared to the Pakistanis the Indians did not face any difficulty last time in making their consulate functional quickly. However the Pakistanis officials did experience severe difficulties in procuring accommodation in Mumbai for its consulate. Indeed the logical way out was and, in many ways still is, to hand over Jinnah House to the Pakistanis. Not only such an act would generate waves of goodwill for the Indians but would also remove this unnecessary irritant. But reports clearly indicate a certain amount of reluctance and hesitation on the part of the Indian authorities.

Despite the public pronouncements by the leaders and the involved officials of the two countries to carry forward the current initiative, one should also be aware of the fact that the road to normalization is not going to be all that smooth. Many roadblocks would surface from time to time. What is required to pull through is the consistent expression of determination and will to carry the current peace process forward. Admittedly the current leadership is making earnest efforts to keep the process on track.

So far every step is positive and constructive but one must not forget the complex nature of the ongoing Kashmir dispute.  So far neither side has really been able to come up with a formula that has seeds of acceptability. The two sides so far have merely expressed hopes that a sustained dialogue would produce a desired solution. India has been somewhat consistently asserting that there cannot be any compromise on its basic position on the Kashmir dispute. The new Indian government have also been repeatedly voicing that Kashmir would be discussed bilaterally under the 1972 Simla Accord. Compared to the Indians, the Pakistanis appeared to have been far more realistic and flexible.

Despite the public utterances that the two sides have agreed to continue the sustained and serious dialogue, much more efforts would be required to resolve the complex Kashmir dispute. Mere lip service and the employment of words like ‘rare opportunity’ or ‘historic moment’ by themselves are useful to keep up the hopes but for desired resolution some concrete steps need to undertaken. Only innovative approaches could enable the two parties to successfully move onwards towards the desired destination.

May be at this stage one may not suggest tangible steps but it is imperative that the people of both countries be educated on the lines that without compromise or give and take the resolution may not be possible. This implies concerted efforts on the part of both the electronic as well as print media to help the two government out and start educating public of the likely pitfalls.

What generates some optimism at this stage is the fact that not only the two sides have talked about their traditionally known positions but also they have categorically expressed their intent to move forward. In this connection Pakistani President’s assertion on the principle of flexibility seems most appropriate. Some demonstration of similar sentiments from India could indeed facilitate the process. In fact it would not be too far fetched assume that flexibility could turn out to be a real panacea.

The decision to recognize the need to involve the experts clearly reflects the desire to move forward. Even in Lahore Declaration it was envisaged that the technical experts would meet and facilitate the nuclear CBMs but unfortunately such a meeting never materialized. This time the two sides have already agreed to have their respective experts to discuss issues plaguing bilateral ties.              

The two sides were unable to reach some sort of agreement on both the bus service between Srinagar and Muzafferabad and resuming rail links between Khokhrapar and Munabao. The rail link between Pakistani province of Sindh and the Indian state of Rajestan was discontinued after the 1965 Indo-Pak war. The re-establishment of such a link is likely to facilitate and cut short considerable the travel cost and time for the people of both countries.

The bus service between Srinagar and Muzafferabad is likely to take some time. Not only it involves the reconstruction and, at places merely repair, of the road between the two destinations but it also involves an agreed mechanism for travel documents. However it must be stressed here that this is not all that difficult to device a mechanism that caters for the requirements of both sides.

Issues like Tulbul Navigation project, Siachin glacier dispute, people to people contact and some other minor issues would be discussed in the next round of foreign secretaries talks. These issues are not really complicated as they are made out to appear. As a matter of fact sometimes even the simple issues are made complex by lack of political will and the consequent adopted approaches. However it must be stressed that the resolution of the ongoing overall Kashmir dispute is the one which is likely to consume most of the efforts and would require all kind of skill and support not just of the leaders of the two countries but also the people of India and Pakistan.

In addition, the willingness of the Kashmir people is perhaps the most crucial aspect. Without the willingness and the blessings of the Kashmiris, no solution of this complex problem is going to work. Perhaps that is why it is considered imperative to get the Kashmiris involved in the process as soon as possible. Simultaneously it would be appropriate to keep the Kashmiri leaderships on both sides fully informed about the Kashmir-related developments that may take place during the talks.

Undoubtedly the first round of the foreign secretaries meeting has been successful and fruitful. Admittedly the outcome has to be seen in the light of the past complex and difficult relationships of the two countries and augured future expectations. In congruence with an old saying of slow and steady wins the race, the outcome of the first round should generate optimism and encouragement. If the momentum of the meetings is kept and each time some agreement, however small it may be, is produced at the end of the meeting, the chances of desired resolution of all issues and disputes would certainly appears to be rather brighter.