National government: a Panacea?

The POST, Sun, Feb,24, 2008.

Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema

The repeated optimistic statements of leaders representing the major political parties regarding the likelihood of electoral alliances coupled with marked avoidance of opponents’ character assassination reflect a certain level of maturity that was, hitherto. somewhat unknown to Pakistani politics. Far too long, the people of Pakistan had been used to endless bickering of the politicians in one form or the other. Charges and countercharges were the rule of the game. Too much was wasted both in terms of money and time on highlighting the opponents’ negative pursuits rather than seeking constructive solutions to problems facing the nation.

Few nations have been subjected to so many experiments in order to secure an appropriate constitutional and political system based on democratic principles. During the last 60 years and six months Pakistan has experimented with various forms of both democracy and authoritarianism. Out of the last 60 years and six months the authoritarian rule lasted just about 30 years whereas the democratic regimes also got a share of little less than 30 years.

The longest spell of democratic rule was experienced during the early phase of Pakistan’s history from 1947 to 1958. Lacking in administrative machinery and equipped with virtually no military, Pakistan, facing the awesome magnitude of the challenges started off more with accumulated zealots’ devotion rather than with essential tools of statecraft. The paralyzed economic and commercial activities farther complicated the already complex situation. In addition, not only the country was still suffering from inflationary effects of the World War II but also the price controls along with the attendant evils of black-marketing and profiteering were in force. Pakistan not only survived this period but also framed a Constitution; a Constitution which was, of course, not given a chance to test the political acumen of our politicians and the people.

The following period of Ayub Khan was marked initially by pure authoritarianism, later some rudimentary forms of participative processes were introduced. Believing that the politicians had wasted time and squandered the country’s resources, Ayub not only disqualified many politicians but also scrapped a perfectly good Constitution merely because it was the product of politicians’ efforts and introduced his own brand of Constitution.

The second democratic experiment began under an odd set of circumstances that were the product of Yahya regime and the separation of East Pakistan. Although Yahya Khan is often credited for holding the nation’s only fair election, the inability to transfer power to elected representatives eventually resulted in the separation of East Pakistan with a helping hand from India.

After the dismemberment or Pakistan in 1971, Z.A. Bhutto was handed over power. Bhutto’s quest to secure a suitable political system for Pakistan introduced the third Constitution. While it is difficult to deny Bhutto’s contributions towards the cause of democracy, the new Constitution made the prime minister a very powerful individual, almost similar to the powerful president of Ayub’s constitution.

The authoritarian regime of General Zia did not scrap the Constitution; instead he paralyzed parts that appeared somewhat threatening to his rule. For years, he ruled like a pure military dictator, regularly shifting emphasis from one move to another. After enjoying absolute power for almost eight years, he decided to introduce the functioning of democracy in a controlled fashion. He introduced the controversial 8th Amendment that was used as a bargaining chip in order to reintroduce some rudimentary form of democracy. Since then four elected governments have been dismissed by the incumbent presidents. Zia threw the Junejo government out, whereas Ghulam Ishaq Khan dismissed both Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif governments. Few years later president Leghari ousted Benazir Bhutto’s second government. Still later president Musharraf’s coup removed Nawaz Sharif’s second government. Following each dismissal, the future of democratic system appeared bleak and gloomy.

President Musharraf initially ruled as a Chief Executive for three years and then held the elections in accordance with the Supreme court’s ruling. The last elected parliament which was viewed by opposition leaders as a rubber stamp and controlled parliament while the government party termed it as genuinely democratic, completed its term of five years and the new elections were held on Feb.18, 2008. The results of the latest election clearly indicate that nation has voted mostly in favor of both PPP and PML (N) but neither of the contesting parties have been able to get clear majority.

While it is difficult to deny that the both politicians, the civil and military bureaucrats manning the authoritarian regimes have collectively slowed down the evolution of a suitable political system, the people of Pakistan have consistently demonstrated a preference for a political system that allows maximum participation of the people. Despite difficult situations the participation of the people have been very encouraging and the voting percentages of elections of 1970, 1977, 1985, 1988, 1990, 1993, 1997, 2002 were 53.45, 56.2, 53.69, 43.07, 45.46, 40.28, 35.42, 41.68 respectively. Even in the latest elections of 2008 over 45% people participated.

Given the currently prevailing complex situation in Pakistan almost all analysts are unanimous in highlighting the grave problems confronting the nation as a whole including both the internal as well as external. Indeed the main emphasis is upon the internal problems which include the emergence of extremism, deteriorating law and order situation especially in Tribal areas along with few pockets of settle areas, rising prices, scarcity of essential food and utility items, restoring the sanctity of Constitution, problems relating to the independence of both judiciary and media etc. For obvious reasons such a situation requires a collective input to lead the nation out of the incumbent quagmire of problems.

Given the existing enormity of the problems and complexity of the challenges confronting Pakistan, it is not too much to expect from Pakistani political parties to work collectively in some form of national government. Indeed it needs to be stressed here that signs so far emanating from leading parties appears to be positive. The collective approach would not only enable them to minimize initially and then eventually control the adverse impact of these problems but would also facilitate them to end once for all nation’s quest for a suitable political system.

The writer works for Islamabad Policy research Institute.