Musharraf’s Quest to initiate a debate on Kashmir
The News,
Sun, October,31,
2004.
Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema
Few days back President Musharraf has suggested a formula with a view to have
a debate on Kashmir’s options initiated. This is not the first time that the
President has talked about the Kashmir dispute. In fact he has been very
consistent in putting ideas with the specific aim to secure a solution of the
most complex dispute confronting India and Pakistan.
It has been repeatedly
stated by the President that in order to find an acceptable solution, the
involved parties will have to move away from their rigid and hardened
positions and opt for a flexible approach. Rigidity could only perpetuate the
stalemate but flexibility could enable us to explore new options. However it
needs to be stressed that unilateral flexibility can only be demonstrated up
to an extent and then it hits the stone wall. The only thing which can sustain
its course is the reciprocity. Without reciprocity, unilateral flexibility
would soon evaporate enabling rigidity to step in.
However even the
flexibility demands that in order to start the process an idea is floated
which should be subjected to a debate. While one fully recognises the merits
of negotiations from a hardened position as one feels secure and safe, but to
narrow the gap between the two hardened stances and to secure a desired
solution one needs repeated injections of flexibility along with continuous
demonstration of political will by the leaders.
The latest efforts by
the President reflects both a desire to end the sufferings of the people of
Kashmir and to secure a solution along with demonstrating the political will
to support a process aimed to find an acceptable solution. His earlier four
point formula contained four stages; the recognition of Kashmir as a dispute,
the initiation of a dialogue, shedding of unacceptable solutions and securing
a win-win situation. The first two stages of his formula have already been
attained and we are at the moment focusing on the third stage which is
probably the most complex and difficult one.
To have the dialogue on
Kashmir dispute move forward, the President has put forward an idea which
needs to be subjected to a focused debate. According to the Musharraf formula
there are seven regions of Kashmir, two of which are in Pakistan and five are
in India. What the formula stresses is first to identify the regions, then
seek demilitarisation of identified region and finally change the status. Each
of these stages deserves explanation and some comments.
The first stage is to
identify the region. The President has suggested that this region could be
identified either on the basis of ethnicity or linguistic homogeneity or on
religious commonalities or geography proximity or compactness. It is also
possible that some of these regions may contain more than one of the above
mentioned identified bases. Not only a close geographic scrutiny of the state
of Jammu and Kashmir clearly points towards the existence of distinct regions
but the history of the state confirms the regions distinctiveness.
The next suggested step
is demilitarisation. This is not going to be easy. . If objectively judged, no
one is going to dispute the fact that demilitarization is one of the major
hurdles. During the early phase of the dispute UN failed to resolve it mainly
because it was unable to secure demilitarization of the disputed state. The
1948 United Nations Security asked for ceasefire, demilitarization and
plebiscite. However it is also important to mention that without
demilitarization one cannot move on to the next stage.
Once the
demilitarization is secured, then we can move on to the next stage which is to
change the status within the identified and demilitarized region. To secure
the changed status, the formula merely suggests certain approaches. It could
be done under the auspices of the UN or a joint control or a condominium type
approach.
Perhaps the most
important aspect of the President’s speech is that a debate regarding the
possible solution must begin within Pakistan. His address appears to be aimed
at attaining some form of consensus through a debate in order to enable
Pakistan to move forward. For obvious reasons a national consensus if it
emerges would strengthen the hands of Pakistani negotiators and may facilitate
the forward movement.
The initial reaction to
the formula appears to be fairly positive. Many Kashmiri leaders including
leaders from the APHC have extended both open and cautious support. ‘It is a
very positive development’, said Mirwaiz Umar Farooq. ‘It is a path breaking
statement, I welcome it’, asserted Javed Mir who was one of the main leaders
to initiate the armed struggle against Indian military occupation in 1989.
Syed Ali Gilani, the most popular Kashmiri leader expressed his apprehensions
that India is unlikely to respond positively to Musharraf proposal
It is not surprising
that the Kashmiris appear to be supportive of the formula as most of them view
it as a way forward. This does not mean that an agreement has already been
reached on the formula but many think at least there is somebody who is
attempting to push the peace process forward. Indeed it not only opens options
but also his readiness to discuss all of them with a view to find a solution
that is acceptable to all involved parties is a welcome move. Pakistan’s
Foreign Minister has further clarified that there is no question of agreeing
to a formula that does not take full cognizance of Kashmiri’s aspirations.
Compared to Kashmiri
leadership, some Pakistani leaders have categorically rejected the formula on
the grounds that it amounts to the abandoning of Pakistan’s principled
position. They refer to the UN Security Council’s resolutions of August 13,
1948 and 5th Jan.1949. Taken together these resolutions asked for
ceasefire, demilitarization and plebiscite. To them dropping this basis
amounts to letting down the Kashmiri’s cause.
The Indian response to
President Musharraf’s proposed formula has been rather cool. According to the
official spokesman of the Indian External Affairs ministry that ideas on
Kashmir should not come through media. Since Kashmir is one of the subjects of
comprehensive dialogue process, such ideas should be mooted through official
channels.
Many critics of this
Indian approach stress that India does not like that ideas aimed to seek an
acceptable solution of the most complex problems be discussed in any open
forum but prefers a closed bilateral forum.
In a closed bilateral
dialogue, the public is kept ignorant regarding the process of give and take
and secrecy rules supreme whereas in a public forum, transparency becomes the
hallmark. Transparency enables the people of both countries to undertake their
own evaluation of the process itself. Secondly transparency keeps the
international community fully in picture while in the case of bilateralism;
the international community becomes heavily dependent upon the information
released by the involved actors.
It appears that
President Musharraf has put forward an idea with specific aim that it may be
subjected to rigorous discussions and analyses facilitating the involved
parties to move forward. There can be different interpretations about the
feasibility of the formula but it certainly deserves a comprehensive debate at
almost all available forums such as parliament, both electronic and print
media, educational institutions etc. All modes of opinion makers need to
thrash the idea thoroughly.
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